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THE LIFE 



OF THB 



GENERAL LAFAYETTE, 



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▲UTHOB OF "women OF THB BIBLE," "LIFB OF JOSEPHINB," "LIFK OFISCCET 
<20SBN OF 800T8," **.Lira OF KOSSUTH," ETC. 




NEW YOEK: 
C. M. SAXTON, 25 PARK ROW, 

1859. 



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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred 

and fifty-six, 

BY MILLEK, ORTON & MULLIGAN, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Northern District of New York, 



Bf Tr&Rsfer 



PREFACE. 



In ofifering the public another biography of Lafayette, 
the motives are similar to those which induced the author 
to write the "Life of Josephine." It is true, the history 
of this great man has been given in various memoirs, but 
not a full and chronologically correct record of his eventful 
and brilliant career. Besides, his character may be more 
careftdly analyzed and studied in the light of recent deve- 
lopments, which add a new interest to portions of his his- 
tory, formerly involved in a good deal of obscurity. 

Lafayette's name is inseparably associated with that of 
George Washington ; and he should be known as fami- 
liarly to every American citizen. To make this acquaint- 
ance with him in his manifold spheres of activity more 
completely attainable by all, is the design of this volume. 
European and American authorities have been consulted, 
but their opinions often deemed not strictly legitimate in 
view of facts. Especially is the part he acted in the 
French Revolution discussed freely, and the patriotic de- 
signs of the unsuccessful Hero seen, it is believed, through 
all that bloody tragedy. 



VI PREFACE. 

The theme is a national one — and the book will have 
this feature to commend it to those readers, whose reve- 
rence for the Bible has brought down wholesale con- 
demnation upon an expansion or illustration of the brief 
descriptions of the heroes and heroines of the sacred vol- 
ume. 

It is believed that the accuracy of the work wiU not be 
impeached. Information has been sought from a great va- 
riety of sources, Foreign and American. 

The disinterested philanthropy and panting for freedom 
which animated the Marquis in his youth, and engaged his 
riper thought when a venerable hermit at La Grange, ap- 
peal to the heart and aspirations of the successors of the 
illustrious dead as the guardians of a Republic, which has 
passed from the stormy deep of physical combat, to the 
less awakening, but equally perilous sea of moral and poli- 
tical conflict 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



PtM 

The Man of Two Worlds — Birth of Lafayette — Hia Ancestry and early Years — 
Removal to Paris — Intercourse at Court — His Marriage with the Countess 
de Noailles — Her Character — Lafayette's sympathies with Freedom — First 
News of the American Struggle — Plans — Disappointments and Hopes- 
Visits London — Returns to Paris — Leaves Paris for Bordeaux — Plans Dis- 
covered — Leaves Bordeaux for Passage — Rctiu'ns to Bordeaux — Sets sail 
from Passage for America — Voyage — Letters to his Wife — Arrival in 
America, •.■■......... -3-29 

CHAPTER n. 

Lafayette in America— Reception— Visits Charleston — Letter to his Wife — Pro- 
ceeds northward to Philadelphia — His Reception there — Distrust of Con- 
gress — Resolutions passed — Lafayette meets Washington — Friendship of the 
two— Dark prospects of the Revolution — Battle of Brandywine — Heroic 
conduct of Lafayette — Is wounded— At Bethlehem — Letters — Again at 
Camp — Accompanies Gen. Greene to New Jersey— Engagement at Glouces- 
ter— ^Lafayette is appointed to a command— Winter Quarters at Valtey 
Forge— The Conway Cabal— Expedition against Canada— Lafayette returns 
to Valley Forge, J^79 



CHAPTER HL 

Brightening Prospects— Opening of the Campaign of 1778— Lafayette at Barren 
Hill— Perilous Position— Brilliant Manoeuvre, and safe Retreat — Attach- 
ment of the Army — Affecting Intelligence from Home— Death of his Daugh- 
ter—Letter to his Wife— Evacuation of Philadelphia — Battle of Monmouth— 
Arrival of Count D'Estaing, and the French fleet— Lafayette at Rhode 
Island— Sullivan and D*Estaing— D'Estaing determines to sail for Boston- 
Remonstrance — Lafayette and the Admiral — Reasons for the measure- 
Retreat from Newport— Efforts of Lafayette— Repairs to Boston— Again at 
Rhode Island— Retreat— Resolutions of Congress— Conrespondence-Lafay- 
ette prepares .to_rovisit; France— Action of Congress— Departure, 79-123 



VIII CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Pag«. 
Letter to Washington— The Voyage— Storm and Conspiracy— Arrival in France — 

Reception — Political Quarantine —Lafayette is admitted to the Royal Pres- 
ence and Favor — His Popularity — His labors in behalf of France and Amer- 
ica — Letter to President Laurens — Presentation of the Sword to Lafayette— 
Dr. Franklin's Letter, and Lafayette's Reply— Lafayette and the Ministry — 
Success at last— Proposed plan of Aid — Lafayette sails for Boston — Arrival, 
and Letter to General Washington— Reception at Boston— Repairs to Head- 
quarters—Goes to Philadelphia— Situation of the Army— Washington— Let- 
ters— Designs upon New York — Arrival of the French Fleetr— Lafayette at 
New York— Head Quarters, 123-149 

CHAPTER V. 

Treason of Arnold— Fate of Andre— Washington in Newport— Lafayette in Mary- 
land — Manoeuvres and Operations there — Destitution of the Soldiers — Gen- 
erosity of the Marquis— Lafayette in Virginia— Phillips and the Traitor- 
Corn wallis arrives, and takes the supreme Command of the British Troops— 
His character— Pursuit of Cornwallis, and retreat of the Marquis— Junction 
with Wayne— The Pursued turns Pursuer — Cornwallis retreats to Ports- 
mouth — Embarks for Yorktown— Fortifies himself at Yorktown and Glouces- 
ter Point— Arrival of the French Fleet— Arrival of the allied Army— Siege 
of Yorktown — Surrender of Cornwallis — Results — Lafayette goes to 
France, • ... 149-206 

CHAPTER VL 

Lafayette's Reception in Paris— At Home— Efforts for America— Preparations 
of France and Spain— Lafayette at Cadiz— Negotiations for Peace — Treaty 
of Peace ratified — Lafayette at Madrid — Continued endeavors — Free 
Ports— Duties on Oil — Desires to return to America— Embarks at Havre — 
Arrival at New York — Enthusiastic welcome — ^Visits Washington at Mount 
Vernon— Treaty with the Indians— Kayewla— Visits Boston— Reception there 
— Proceeds to Virginia— Meets Washington at Richmond— Returns North- 
Takes leave of Congress— Returns to France— Visits Frederick the Great — 
Incidents —Plans for African Emancipation — Interposition in behalf of per- 
Becuted Protestants, 206-223 

CHAPTER VII. 

A new Era in Lafayette's History— Causes which led to the French Revolution- 
Mistaken views concerning it— Character of Louis XVI— State of the Nation 
-—The wheel of Revolution begins to move— Assembly of Notables— Lafay- 
ette a member— The States-General— The Tiers Etat and tha Nobles— Union 
of the Three Estates— Lafayette's Oratory— Bill of Rights— Outbreak of tha 
People— Destruction of the Bantile- Lafayette commands the National Guards 



CONTENTS. IX 

JPagtt, 
Murder of Foulon— Refutation of Slander against Lafayette— Mob of Wo- 
men — Judicious course of Lafayette — Tiie Royal Family leave Versailles for 
Paris— Reconciliation again— Celebration of the Fourteenth of July — Mag- 
nificent Festival — Lafayette refuses the command of all the National Guards 
of France— His true Nobility of Soul, 228-277 



CHAPTER Vin. 

Solemn Perjury— Lafayette's Position— His Letter to Washington— Jealousy of 
the King and Queen — Flight and return of the Royal Family— The King signs 
the Constitution — Lafayette resigns his office as Commander of the National 
Guards— Affection of the Guards and the Nation for him — Testimonials of 
Esteem — He retires to Chavagniae — Petion is elected Mayor of Paris — Pre- 
parations for War — La fayette is called upon— He assumes the Command — 
Marches to Givet — Treason — Retires to Maubeage — Letter to the Assembly 
— Appears in Paris— Returns to his Army— Last effort to save the King— The 
Reign of Terror— Decree against Lafayette— Difficulties which surround him 
—He leaves the Army, 277-305 

CHAPTER IX. 

Companions of Lafayette in his Exile — He is stopped at Rochefort — Passports 
refused— Shameful Treatment — Imprisonment— Delivered over by Prussia to 
Austria— Confinement at Olmutz— Refinement of Cruelty— Sympathy felt 
for him— Efforts for his Release— Conduct of Governeur Morris— Madame 
de Lafayette — Bollman and Huger's Attempt— Escape— Is taken, and agaia 
thrown into Prison— Increased Cruelties — Conduct of Madame de Lafayetie 
—With her two Daughters she visits him in Prison— Her Heroism— Bona- 
parte — ^Final Release — Reception in Hamburgh, .... 30&-339 

CHAPTER X. 

Lafayette in Private Life again— Two Years in Holstein— Visits Batavia— Over- 
throw of the French Directory— Napoleon appointed First Consul — Lafay- 
ette appears in Paris — Chagrin of Bonaparte— Mutual understanding — La- 
fayette retires to La Grange — His intercourse with Bonaparte ceases- 
Death of Madame de Lafayette— Banishment of Bonaparte to Elba— Ele- 
vation of Louis XVIII to the French Throne— Escape of Bonaparte— He 
appears in Paris — Bonaparte and Lafayette— Reverses at Waterloo — Abdi- 
cation—Lafayette at La Grange— Is again elected to the Chamber of Depu- 
ties—Revisits America— Incidents of hia Tour— Returns to France— Another 
Kevolution— Death of Lafayette— His Character, .... 339-377 



LIFE \.^ 







^**. 



OF THE ^<J;>£-P.V'' 

MAEQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTER I. 

The man op two worlds — Birth op Lafayette — His ancestry and 

EARLY YEARS — REMOVAL TO PARIS — INTERCOURSE AT COURT — HiS MAR- 
RIAGE WITH THE Countess de Noailles — Her character — Lafayette's 
sympathies with freedom — first news op the american struggle — 
Plans — Disappointments and Hopes — Visits London — Returns to Pa- 
ris — Leaves Paris for Bordeaux — Plans discovered — Leaves Bordeaux 
FOR Passage — Returns to Bordeaux — Sets sail from Passage for 
America — Voyage — Letters to his wife — Arrival in America. 

Lafayette has been called the man of two 
worlds ;* and whether we accredit him this title 
because his history is identified with that of the two 
hemispheres, or in view of the universal praise 
awarded him both in Europe and America ; it is a 
merited distinction. He is one of the few heroes, 
who rise above national prejudice and vanities, and 
is esteemed for what he is — independently of the 
accidents of birth and clime. England and France 
have delighted to do him honor, alike forgetful of 
his origin in the contemplation of his humanity ; rc- 

* "L'homme des deux mondes." — Beeangkk. 



4 LIFE OF GENERAL 

garding mm less as a Frenchman than as a man. 
Indeed this is the strong and beautiful hght, in 
which the portrait of Lafayette should be viewed. 
His elevated character resembled in many points 
that of Washington, his friend and companion in 
arms. There was a balance of powers — a well-sus- 
tained earnestness, and even enthusiasm of action, 
while his heart beat with the loftiest impulses of 
virtue and freedom. He disdained the adulation of 
the courtly throng, and found pleasure, incomparably 
purer, in lifting up the weak and despairing to sum- 
mits of greatness, if possible, equal to his own. 

But the people of this Republic will ever blend with 
their veneration of Lafayette, a grateful remembrance 
and patriotic love. He is a Revolutionary Hero, 
and the luster of his virtues, to them, is a part of na- 
tional glory, and will brighten with the deepening 
** day-spring " of freedom. 

Marie-Paul- Joseph-Roche-Yves Gilbert Mo tier de 
Lafayette was born on the 6th of September, 1757. 
Through a long Kne of ancestry he could trace his 
descent from the nobility of the earliest periods of 
French history; and, it is interesting to remark in the 
first glimpses which we get of the family, the same 
high qualities of character that reflect such honor upon 
the name, as they are seen exemplified in the history of 
its most distinguished representative. In the early 
days of chivalry, Lafayette was a name synonymous 
with every thing magnanimous and heroic. Before 
the feudal system was aboKshed; before even it had 
become freed from its harshest and most tyrannical 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 5 

features, while the retainer was kept in the most de- 
grading bondage, and the lord was looked upon uni- 
versally as the absolute despot of the yielding serf, we 
find the house of Lafayette regarding the wants of its 
vassals, and improving the condition of that class, upon 
whom nearly all the nobility were wont to look down 
with haughty contempt. As early as the fifteenth 
century, when France was subjected to a hostile inva- 
sion, and the security of its government threatened, a 
Lafayette became the terror of the foe, and contri- 
buted more than any other to drive out the enemy 
from the land. In the seventeenth century Louis de 
Lafayette was especially instrumental in defeating 
the plans of Richelieu, and in reconciling Louis XIII 
to his queen. The family is not without favorable 
notice in the literary annals of France. Madeline 
Countess de Lafayette is the authoress of several 
works of much celebrity which have come down to 
the present time. In all the annals of this illustrious 
line, there are no unworthy deeds, and no stain of 
dishonor tarnishes its escutcheon. It is an instance 
of that transmitted worth and renown, of w^hic^h 
there are but few examples in history. Ancestral 
honors seem to have been made perennial, and 
adorn with acknowledged right, the brow of him to 
wiiom by the law of the realm they descended. 

The birth place of young Lafayette, was in the 
province of Auvergne, situated in the central part of 
the southern division of France. The Chateau de 
Chavagnac, where he first saw the light, is about 
one hundred and twenty leagues from Paris, and is 



6 LIFE OF GENERAL 

an exceedingly romantic spot. The country seat 
stands amid an amphitheater of mountains, com- 
manding a magnificent and ample view of encircHng 
summits. This region was probably thrown up by 
the same convulsion that elevated the Auvergne 
range, and exhibits all the varied and picturesque 
scenery of a surface, which has been broken into 
broad undulations and solemn peaks, by the uphea- 
ving of volcanic fires. The chateau was built in 
1701 on the ruins of one that had long been the 
famil}^ residence, but was swept away with its an- 
cient associations and pleasant memories, by a con- 
flagration that left only the blackened fragments of 
the fine old homestead. 

Interesting as the home of Lafayette is to the tra- 
veler, it contains but few memorials of himself. 
Even the room in which he was born cannot be 
identified, and a single portrait of him, taken in his 
boyhood, is almost the only evidence that these walls 
formed the field of his juvenile pastimes, and echoed 
to the unheeded and merry voice of '^ the heroic de- 
fender of liberty in two hemispheres." 

The first seven or eight years of his fife, were 
passed in Chavagnac. His father, a Colonel in the 
French army, having fallen in the battle of Minden 
a few months before his birth, the care of his in- 
fancy was left entirely to his mother, a woman of 
excellent qualities and rare attainments. 

By her unwearied devotion, the frail form of this 
only son, survived the debility which, for awhile, in- 
dicated a brief career. She watched with maternal 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 7 

solicitude and joy the hue of health stealing so gra- 
dually over his pale features, and marked the in- 
creasing strength of his attenuated frame; although 
it gave but slight pfomise of the vigor w^hich sus- 
tained the fatigues and arduous duties of his subse- 
quent life. His mind, however, gave early indications 
of its powder. He seemed to leap over infancy at a 
stride, and vs^as a mature man in thought and feel- 
ing, while others of his age were only children. 
The same generosity and nobiUty of soul; the love 
of liberty and enthusiastic hatred of oppression; the 
self-sacrificing spirit and warm hearted devotion to 
whatever he espoused, which rendered his after life 
so illustrious, characterized also his early history. 
At the age of about twelve years he was entered 
at the college of Louis le Grand in Paris, where, 
under a course of excellent training, he zealously 
pursued his studies. His mind was well formed for 
a student, and, had his attention been continued in 
that direction, he might easily have become one of 
the most accurate scholars of his time. Of study 
he was passionately fond, to the exclusion, for awhile, 
of all other demands upon the precious hours. In 
the Latin and Greek classics he became especially 
proficient, and lost neither his love nor knowledge 
of them in later years. The foundation of that men- 
tal force and precision which he subsequently dis- 
played, was firmly laid by this close discipline du- 
ring the early part of his residence in Paris. He 
was, however, afterwards subjected in his literary 
pursuits to frequent interruptions. His high rank 



8 LIFE OF GENERAL 

gained him the attention of royalty, and the attrac- 
tions of the gay French court drew him away from 
his course of intense apphcation. A passion for briJ 
liant society, together with an increasing desire for 
mihtary exploits, began to stir his youthful spirit. 
By the death of his mother, in 1770, and of his 
grandfather a short time after, he became the heir 
to immense wealth, which, being entirely at his own 
control, surrounded him with a crowd of parasites 
and flatterers, whose fawning and constant attend- 
ance checked, at once, the scholar's progress. The 
mildness and affability of his manners, moreover, 
made him a great favorite at court, where the gen- 
tle but unfortunate Marie Antoinette took him under 
her special care. He became a page to the queen, 
and at the age of fifteen, in the year 1770, he was 
enrolled a member of the Mousquitaires du Roi^ a 
body of soldiers whose particular duty it was to 
protect the person of the king, and which was com- 
posed solely of the descendants of the noblest fami- 
lies of France. Through the direct influence of the 
queen, he was promoted to the rank of a commis- 
sioned officer in this corps; and, though he says that 
his military services *' only interrupted his studies on 
review days," it is evident that the alacrity and 
zest with which he was wont to engage in intel- 
lectual culture had already subsided under the pres- 
sure of engagements of quite a different nature. 

He was fond of the social circle, but rarely joined 
in the frivolous amusements and trifling talk preva- 
lent in the saloons of the metropolis He was ha- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 9 

bitually silent when discussion turned on topics which 
he thought unworthy attention; while yet his ami- 
able manner made him a favorite, whenever his fine 
figure moved amid the thronged apartments of wealth 
and fashion. 

His own conversational powers were of a high 
order, and their activity varied much with his 
moods — sometimes mild and winning, and again ar- 
dent and enthusiastic. In this he would resemble 
the musical rivulet moving to the measures of an 
inward melody; and then, perhaps the same hour, 
remind one of the rapid and sounding torrent dash- 
ing on in its wild and stirring march. When he 
spoke of liberty, or listened to a tale of oppression, 
his eye kindled with a glow, that disclosed the pure 
and intense flame on freedom's hidden altar. His 
soul, from earliest boyhood, was fired with the 
themes of human well-being, and despotic cruelty. 
While at Chavagnac, his delicate and sensitive frame 
would often tremble, and his hps quiver, to the agi- 
tation awakened by a contemplation of the destiny 
designed for a struggling race, and his pantings for 
an atmosphere untainted with the breath of tyranny. 
He uses the following language, long afterwards, to 
a friend: 

"You ask me at what period I first experienced 
my ardent love for liberty and glory; — I recollect 
no time of life anterior to my enthusiasm for anec- 
dotes of glorious deeds, and to my projects of tra- 
veling over the world to acquire fame. At eight 
years of age, my heart beat when I heard of an hy- 



10 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ena that had done some injury, and caused still niore 
alarm in our neighborhood, and the hope of meet- 
ing it was the object of all my walks. When I ar- 
rived at college, nothing ever interrupted my studies, 
except my ardent wish of studying without restraint. 
I never deserved to be chastised; but, in spite of my 
usual gentleness, it would have been dangerous to have 
attempted to do so, I recollect with pleasure that, 
when I was to describe in rhetoric a perfect courser, 
I sacrificed the hope of obtaining a prize, and de- 
scribed the one, who, on perceiving the whip, threw 
down his rider. Republican anecdotes always de- 
lighted me, and when my new connections wished to 
obtain for me a place at court, I did not hesitate dis- 
pleasing them to preserve my independence." How 
plainly, in all this, is his character seen. The steed, 
gentle when well treated, but throwing his rider at 
sight of the whip, had spirit which chimed in well 
with that of the youthful hater of oppression. 

In his seventeenth year* Lafayette was married. 
The object of his choice was first selected hy him 
from considerations of family interest, but the mar- 
riage was consummated, as there is every reason to 
believe, with the purest affection. His lady was the 
Comptesse Anastasie de Noailles, daughter of the 
Duke d'Ayen ; and brought to his own, a heart full of 
virtue, courage, and conjugal affection. Her life is 
one of the brightest in the annals of female heroism, 
conspicuous alike for gentleness, disinterested devotion, 

•April, 1774. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 11 

and patient endurance of every privation which attends 
deepest misfortunes. In the progress of this history, we 
shall have occasion to notice and admire her worth. 
She brought her husband a fortune, which together 
with his ample inheritance, gave him a revenue of 
200,000 francs, or 37,500 dollars, per annum. But 
she was a richer treasure than it all. Lafayette 
gave abundant evidence that he cherished for her 
the highest esteem, and her character and history 
show that she reciprocated fully his affection. " At 
this period of his hfe, the Marquis de Lafayette 
was a man of commanding figure and pleasing fea- 
tures, notwithstanding his deep red hair. His fore- 
head, though receding, was fine ; his eyes clear ha- 
zel, and his mouth and chin delicately formed, exhi- 
biting beauty rather than strength. The expres- 
sion of his countenance was strongly indicative of a 
generous and gallant spirit, with an air of conscious 
greatness. His manners were frank and amiable — 
his movements light and graceful. Formed, both by 
nature and education, to be the ornament of a court, 
and already distinguished by his varied and attractive 
quaHties in the circle of his noble acquaintance, his 
free principles were neither withered by the sunshine 
of royalty, nor weakened by flattery and temptation." 
Amid the enjoyments of an effeminate court, and 
surrounded by all the delights of his newly made 
domestic alliance, Lafayette was dreaming of a very 
different future. Visions of military life, which were 
ever dancing before his mind, were painted in still 
more glowing colors by the camp-scenes through 



12 LIFE OF GENERAL 

which he was wont to pass. He was a soldier by 
profession, but he had chosen the sword, and now 
carried it that he might wield it for the right, and 
not alone to blazon his own name with renown. A 
fire burned in his breast, and a lofty enthusiasm was 
there; and he longed for some opportunity to give 
scope to the inward flame — some arena on which 
he could stand and battle for the wants of the strug- 
ghng millions. This became an absorbing theme of 
thought. To have quelled the mighty impulse would 
have wrecked the man, as truly as to still the throb- 
bing heart forever would have left only a motionless 
and expressionless form. This desire to behold an 
uprising of the oppressed — a rending of fetters ; and 
to hear the knell of despotism the world over, had 
deepened into a fixed purpose, ripening with his 
powers, and ^as now the very breath of his fife. It 
had risen above all other passions, till it was now 
the guiding one of his being. He was waiting only 
foi* some brilliant opportunit}'- in which he might re- 
realize his cherished dreams ; and this was soon pre- 
sented. 

In the summer of 1776, he was stationed on mili- 
tary duty as an officer of the French army, in the 
citadel of Metz. It was the summer distinguished 
as the greatest modern epoch in the progress of hu- 
manity — the summer of the declaration of American 
Independence. He was at this time but httle more 
than eighteen, but, as we have before noticed, his 
maturity was far beyond his years. The Duke of 
Gloucester having been exiled from the court of Great 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 13 

Britain on account of his impolitic marriage, was 
then at Metz. He was a brother of the King of 
England, and was constantly receiving advices re- 
lating to the progress of the opening struggle in 
America. The first tidings of the kind which he 
communicated to the French officers there, struck the 
key note to Lafayette's fiery ardor; and the more 
vividly the Duke described the plans of the British 
ministry to crush the efforts of the colonists, the more 
firmly settled in his breast became the plan, which he 
seems to have immediately formed, of going to their 
rescue. America fighting for its independence appealed 
strongly to his imagination, but America oppressed 
and Hkely to be crushed in the struggle, enlisted every 
sympathy of his heart. Throwing up his office at 
Metz, he returned to Paris. He knew that the earnest 
opposition of his family and friends would be brought 
to bear against his designs, but he had determined to 
throw himself into the struggle, and no human barrier 
could defeat the purpose. His first steps, however, 
were taken with great caution. With the utmost se- 
crecy he made his inquiries and preparations, carefully 
concealing his intentions from the wife of his bosom 
and most of his intimate friends. At length he dis- 
closed his determination to his relative the Count de 
Broglie, but received from him the strongest opposi- 
tion. The Count pictured to him, in glowing terms, 
the difficulties and dangers of the undertaking, and 
endeavored by every means to dissuade him from the 
enterprise — " Your uncle perished in the wars in 
Italy," said he, "your father fell in the battle of 



14 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Minden, and now I will not be accessory to the 
ruin of the only reniaining branch of the family.'' 
Notwithstanding, Lafayette was not disheartened. 
The secretary of the Count, Mr. Duboismartin, en- 
tered at once into all his plans, and approved them. 
His position and skill enabled him to render the Mar- 
quis important aid, both in the way of advice and 
active assistance. Lafayette, not for a moment dis- 
suaded from his romantic and perilous scheme by his 
interview with the Count de Broglie,* soon laid open 
all his plans to the Baron de Kalb, to whom he had 
been attracted by a kindred sympathy. The Baron's 
heart beat with the same enthusiasm which animated 
the young Marquis, and his love of liberty was equally 
ardent. De Kalb zealously seconded his design, and 
opened to him new methods for carrying it forward. 
Mr. Silas Deane, an agent sent out by the American 
Congress to negotiate with the French government, 
was at this time in Paris. To him De Kalb introduced 
the Marquis, and spread before him the generous of- 
fer of his personal service in the American war, Mr. 
Deane was at first unfavorably impressed with the 
boyish appearance of Lafayette, (he was at this time 
scarcely nineteen years of age,) but the earnestness 
with which the young volunteer pleaded his cause ; 
the ardor which he manifested in the enterp'ize, and 
the probable effect which his departure would have 
throughout France in awakening a more intense sym- 



^ * Lafayette aftei^wards states, that the Count withdrew his oppo- 
eition after all his efl'oits to turn him from his project had proved 
in vain. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 15 

pathy with the American States overcame his first he- 
sitation. A mutual agreement was made, and Lafay- 
ette left him with his youthful spirit bounding to the 
music of freedom's battle. The following paper, which 
he had obtained from Mr. Dean, was to him a richer 
treasure than his ancestral domain. It was given in 
virtue of Lafayette's stipulation to depart as early as 
circumstances should permit, and engage personally 
in the struggle for the Independence of the United 
States. 

" The desire which the Marquis de Lafayette shows 
of serving among the troops of the United States of 
North America, and the interest which he takes in 
the justice of their cause, make him wish to distin- 
guish himself in this war, and to render himself as 
useful as he possibly can. But not thinking that he 
can obtain leave of his family to pass the seas and 
to serve in a foreign country, till he can go as a 
general officer, I have thought that I could not bet- 
ter serve my country, and those who have entrusted 
me, than by granting to him, in the name of the very 
honorable Congress, the rank of Major-Gene ral, which 
I beg the states to confirm and ratify to him, and 
to deliver him the commission to hold and take rank 
from this day with the general officers of the same 
degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great dig- 
nities which his family hold at this court, his con- 
siderable estates in this realm, his personal merit, 
his reputation, his disinterestedness, and above all, his 
zeal for the liberty of our provinces, are such as to 
induce me alone to promise him the rank of Major- 



16 LIFE OF GENERAL 

General in the name of the United States. In wit- 
ness of which I have signed the present this 7th day 

of December, 1776. 

Silas Deane." 

*' The secrecy," says Lafayette, '' with which this 
negotiation and my preparations were made, appears 
almost a miracle; family, friends, ministers, French 
spies and English spies, all were kept completely in 
the dark as to my intentions." 

In the midst of his preparations, unforeseen diffi- 
culties arose. A ship was fitting out in which he 
was to take his departure, when news of disastrous 
defeats in the revolutionary army reached France. 
Hearts throbbing w^ith hope were hushed at the ti- 
dings of these sad reverses on the field of conflict 
for liberty. The intelligence which flew across the 
Atlantic and made the bells of London ring for joy, 
fell like a funeral knell upon many a circle in Paris 
and other parts of the kingdom. The court of Ver- 
sailles had not yet openly espoused the American 
cause, but Louis XVI was looking upon the struggle 
with anxious eye, and discerning politicians were 
already predicting that France would soon be joined 
in fraternal league with the United States, against 
England. Dr. Frankhn had joined Mr. Deane at 
Paris, with more definite instructions, and both, 
though not publicly acknowledged, were yet secretly 
received by the king; and while they were assured 
of his approval of the revolution, they also had rea- 
son to believe that he would soon openly espouse it. 
In receiving the American agents, and giving them 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 17 

encouragement of future assistance, Louis XVI did 
not see the mine which he was laying deep beneath 
his own feet and the Bourbon throne. His ministers 
clearly saw that the American declaration was no 
less hostile to the principals of the French, than to 
those of the English monarchy ; but their arguments 
and persuasions with the king, were unavaihng be- 
fore the strong representations of Dr. Franklin, and 
the cherished desire to humble the pride of his he- 
reditary foe. He was on the point of an official 
proclamation of the Independence of the thirteen 
colonies, and just ready to unsheath the sword in 
their behalf, when their sudden misfortunes reached 
his ear. He paused awhile to wait the issue of the 
fearful crisis. The aspect of affairs in the new world 
was indeed gloomy. The battle of Brooklyn had 
been fought, resulting in the total route of the con- 
tinental forces, and the evacuation of Long Island. 
New York, after a desperate resistance, had been 
given up to the British. General Howe was master 
of Forts Washington and Lee. The heroic army 
was fast becoming disbanded ; the militia throwing 
down their arms, and returning home in despair. 
General Washington with the remnant who remained, 
ill clothed and scantily fed, was retreating before the 
British, through a desponding country. It was ru- 
mored in France that thousands were daily flocking 
to avail themselves of the pardon which Lord Howe 
had offered to the rebels ; and though Washington 
was still unyielding, yet the last reasonable hope of 
liberty had well-nigh expired. So dark were the 



18 LIFE OF GENERAL 

prospects, that the American commissioners at Paris ^^p 
ceased for a time from their representations to the 
king, and even urged Lafayette to abandon his pro- 
ject of enhsting in their service. They told him 
that the late unhappy news had so deranged their 
affairs, that they could not nov^ offer him even a 
passage to America, nor assure him of any ground 
of success should he be able to go. They had, how- 
ever, mistaken their man. Lafaye.tte was not yet 
known. With a generosity which has no parallel, 
he replied to their attempts to dissuade him from 
the enterprise, by assuring them that if their country 
was indeed reduced to such an extremity, that was 
the very hour when his embarking to join her armies 
would render the most essential aid. ^' I thank you 
for your frankness," said he, "but now is precisely 
the moment to serve your cause ; the more people 
are discouraged, the greater utility will result from 
my departure. Until now you have only seen my 
ardor in your cause, but that may not prove at pre- 
sent wholly useless. If you cannot furnish me with 
a vessel, I will purchase one and freight it at my 
own expense, to convey your despatches and my per- 
son to the shores of America." 

Neither of the three* commissioners was prepared 
for this noble offer. They had supposed that the Mar- 
quis, in common with others who had gone from Eu- 
rope to enlist in the American struggle, was actuated 
mo^-e by youthful impulses and a passion for adventure 

* Arthur Lee was the third commissioner. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 19 

^Hr military glory, than by any genuine sympathy with 
an oppressed people panting for freedom. But a ro- 
mantic zeal, or love of excitement, would have given 
way before the difficulties which now tried the spirit 
of Lafayette. With unbending resolution he instantly 
set himself at work, to carry out his proposal. 
From his own estates he raised the money neces- 
sary for the expedition, and without delay prepared 
to purchase and equip a vessel for his use. His pre- 
parations were necessarily matured with the utmost 
privacy, so as to escape the vigilance of his domestic 
circle, the French government, and English spies. 
He was fully aware of the resistance with which he 
w^ould meet if his plans became known, and there- 
fore kept them almost wholly within his own breast. 
British jealousy had been aroused by the assistance 
which France rendered to the colonies, and Lord 
S torment strongly represented the case to Louis. 
The king, owing to the recent reverses in America, 
began to distrust the expediency of an open alliance, 
and to make some demonstrations against the interest 
awakened in behalf of transatlantic freedom. Lafay- 
ette, being suspected, was constantly under the espi- 
onage of his own and a foreign government, but the 
same calm forethought which he afterwards displayed 
upon the field of battle, was manifested during the 
progress of this, his conflict with unseen foes. With 
heroic fortitude he pressed on, surmounting each ob- 
stacle as it arose, looking as tranquilly upon the difff- 
culties that environed him at^ home, and the dangers 
awaiting him abroad, as one would gaze upon the 



20 LIFE OF GENERAL 

quiet sea, or watch the bright clouds as they wa 
dered over a summer sky. 

To his wife, whom he tenderly loved, Lafayette 
revealed nothing of his plans. He knew perfectly 
her affection, and that the delicate situation in which 
she was placed would increase her unwillingness to 
bear the separation. This latter circumstance espe- 
cially affected him. But his mind was fully decided, 
and he bowed to the necessity which seemed laid 
upon him. He knew that she would bear the stroke 
better, should it come when no power could avert 
it, than if she were for a long time to see the im- 
pending doom. To escape her knowledge and the 
surveillance of royalty, his ship was purchased and 
preparations made for his departure through his friend 
Mr. Duboismartin, the secretary of the Count de 
Broglie. Lafayette controlled every thing, but the 
secretary was the visible channel through which all 
his directions flowed. 

In the midst of his preparations, the French go- 
vernment wished to send Lafayette on a diplomatic 
mission to London. His associate was the Prince 
de Poix, and though the journey, occurring at this 
time, was eminently distasteful to him, he was aware 
that it would only excite suspicion to refuse, and 
accordingly submitted to the journey with as much 
suavity as he could command. Dr. Franklin, who 
clearly saw the difficulties which the Marquis would 
encounter, should his contemplated sailing for Ame- 
rica become known to the government, advised his 
visit to London, in the hope that this would divert 





MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 21 

e inquiries which he knew were constantly and bu- 
sily made in reference to all his operations. 

More from this consideration than any other, La- 
fayette went. His rank gained him attention at once, 
at the court of St. James ; but on reaching London, 
before paying his respects to the British Majesty, he 
sought an interview with Bancroft, the American* 
The distinction with which he was received by the 
nobility, and his flattering reception at court, did not 
change his sentiments at all respecting the struggle 
between England and her colonies. His design of 
enlisting personally in the strife was concealed, but 
his opinions were openly avowed. He expressed 
them even at the house of Lord Germain, who was 
minister for the colonial domain ; and while at Lord 
Rawdon's, who had just returned from New York, 
he signified his joy at the news of the victory at 
Trenton. Offers were made him to visit the sea 
ports, and inspect the vessels which were fitting out 
against the rebels, but all these invitations were in- 
variably refused. His stay in London was short, for 
his restless spirit was anxious to get back to Paris 
and superintend his movements there. " At the end 
of three weeks," he writes, "when it became neces- 
sary .for me to return home, while refusing to accom- 
pany my uncle, the ambassador to court, I confided to 
him my strong desire to take a trip to Paris. He 
proposed saying that I was ill during my absence. 
I should not have made use of this stratagem myself, 
but did not object to his doing so." 

Hastening back thus early to the capital, conceal- 



22 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ment was necessary, lest his sudden return shoiM^^ 
give rise to unwelcome suspicions. Repairing to the 
house of the Baron de Kalb, he spent three days in 
secret interviews with Americans and a few of his 
friends, in whom he could confide. The confinement 
and the restraint under which he felt himself placed 
in these circumstances, were irksome to his bold and 
frank nature, which could work at daylight in the 
very face of danger, generally with far greater suc- 
cess, and always with far more ease, than when en- 
gaged in secret intrigue, and desirous to escape the 
observation of all. Through one of his agents, a ship 
had been bought, and was now in progress of equip- 
ment for him at Bordeaux. Unwilling to trust the 
whole management of it to others, and anxious to see 
the progress made, he hastily left Paris and set out 
for that city. His scheme, however, began to be 
known. It was impossible that the extensive outfit 
which he was actively making, should for a long 
time escape the observation of spies with whom he 
was surrounded. It is probable that the vigilance 
with which he was watched had already detected 
his absence from London, and conjectured, if it had 
not learned with certainty, his return. There is rea- 
son to believe that this was hnmediately laid before 
Louis by the English ambassador, together with an 
earnest remonstrance against the plan of Lafayette, 
the outline of which was disclosed. It is, at least, 
certain that information was communicated to the 
court of Versailles, and representations made to the 
king, which led to an order for the arrest of La- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 23 



# 



yette, soon after he had reached Bordeaux. Ti- 
dings of this were at once communicated to the Mar- 
quis, and, flying from France to Spain, he resolved 
to complete his arrangements at Passage,* and to em- 
bark for America from that port. Disguise was now 
at an end. He openly avowed his intentions, as well 
as his purpose that no mortal power should prevei/. 
their accomplishment. 

At Passage his firmness was put to the severest 
test. Letters arrived from his family, which were 
not only urgent in their entreaties for him to remain, 
but violent in their denunciations of his project. He 
was reproached for his want of parental care, and 
even taunted for faithlessness to her whom he had 
sworn to love. This was a terrible trial to his sen- 
sitive spirit, but he resolutely bore it. The Countess 
Anastasie was tenderly beloved by him, and it was 
his bitterest struggle to tear himself from her with- 
out a parting adieu. To be charged with want of 
affection, when it was burning intensely on its secret 
altar, was subduing ; but he endured this, and more. 
Letters came, under kingly authority, peremptorily 
forbidding his embarkation for the new w^orld. Louis 
signified his highest displeasure should he disobey 
this order ; and Lafayette well knew the meaning of 
the threat. Disobedience to the commands of his 
sovereign was, for one in his position, no trivial af- 
fair. It made him liable to the confiscation of all his 
immense estates, and subjected him to outlawry and 

** A Spanish port. 



24 LIFE OF GENERAL 

disgrace. Should he persevere, he might land on a^ 
foreign shore penniless and forsaken, under a mon- 
arch's frown, and with nothing but his sword to aid 
the cause which he had so zealously espoused. No- 
thing, however, could daunt him, or change his indo- 
mitable will. Feigning obedience, for the purpose of 
seeking a more favorable opportunity for weighing an- 
chor, he returned to Bordeaux, and wrote to the min- 
istry, asking leave to consummate his plans. He 
frankly owned their nature and design, but plead as a 
reason why he should be allowed to go, the benefit 
which would accrue to France could the pride of Eng- 
land be humbled by wresting the transatlantic posses- 
sions from her hand. Cogent as these reasons were, and 
deedply as they were felt, the king was not then willing 
to afford the slightest umbrage to his pow^erful rival, 
and accordingly the petition of Lafayette was refused. 
This he learned through a friend, as no direct answ^er 
was ever sent. At Bordeaux he received orders to 
proceed to Marseilles and join himself to the Duke 
d'Ayen who was going into Italy. Upon pretence of 
obeying he set off from Bordeaux ; but instead of ta- 
king the road to Marseilles, passed directly southward 
to Bayonne. His steps were closely watched, and be- 
fore he had proceeded many hours, he found that pur- 
suers were on the track. Changing his dress for that 
of a courier, and concealing himself in a stable while 
the coach in which he was traveling stopped at Bay- 
onne, he hoped to elude detection. He had the start 
of the messengers, and could easily distance them. 
At St. Jean de Luz, a village near the boundary lino 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 25 

of France and Spain, he was recognized by one who 
observed him while on his previous tour from Passage 
to Bordeaux. It was a woman, however, and a single 
sign from Lafayette for her to keep silent, made the 
secret safe. He reached Passage in safety, found his 
vessel in readiness, and March 26th, 1777, with sails 
outspread, the prow of his gallant Victory was turned 
toward the strand hallowed by the footsteps of free- 
dom. By way of signifying his disapprobation, Louis 
XVI immediately granted permission to a Major Gen- 
eral in the French army,^ to offer his services to the 
king of Great Britain to assist in subduing his rebel- 
lious subjects. Despatches were instantly sent to the 
national forces at the West Indies to arrest Lafayette, 
should his vessel, as was expected, stop there on its 
way. The sagacity of the Marquis was, however, 
equal to the emergency. Suspecting that he might 
be detained should he touch at the Islands, as soon 
as he got fairly to sea, he ordered the captain to 
steer directly for the American coast. This officer at 
first refused, but the Marquis was peremptory and 
unyielding, and the course of the vessel was accor- 
dingly changed. The voyage was long and tedious. 
The ship was heavy, and its slow sailing and rolhng 
motion soon added sea sickness to the trials of the 
young soldier. Recovering, he addresses the follow- 
ing letter to his wife, which, as it breathes the lan- 
guage of affection, will be interesting to the reader: 



The Count de Bulkely. 



26 LIFE OF GENERAL 

"On board the Victory, May 30, 1777. 

^ * a How many fears and anxieties enhance 
the keen anguish I feel at being separated from all that 
I love most fondly in the world ! How have you 
borne my second departure? Have you loved me 
less 1 Have you pardoned me ? Have you reflected 
that, at all events, I must equally have been parted 
from you — wandering about in Italy, dragging on an 
inglorious Hfe, surrounded by the persons most opposed 
to my projects and to my manner of thinking 1 All 
these reflections, did not prevent me from experiencing 
the most bitter grief when the moment arrived for 
quitting my native shore. Your sorrow, and that of 
my friends, all rushed upon my thoughts, and my heart 
was torn by a thousand painful feehngs. I could not, 
at that instant, find any excuse for my own conduct. 
If you could know all that I have suffered, and the 
melancholy days that I have passed, while thus flying 
from all that I love best in the world ! Must I join to 
this affliction the grief of hearing that you do not par- 
don me ] I should, in truth, my love, be too un- 
happy." 

His ardor for liberty, is well exemplified in the 
following extract from another letter, dated 

" On board the Victory, June 7th. 

" I am still floating upon this dreary plain, the most 
wearisome of all human habitations. To console my- 
self a little, I think of you and of my friends. I think 
of the pleasure of seeing you again. How delightful 
will be the moment of my arrival ! I shall hasten to 
surprise and embrace you. I shall, perhaps, find you 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 27 

with your children. To think, only, of that happy 
moment is an inexpressible pleasure to me ; — do not 
fancy that it is distant ; — although the time of my 
absence will appear, I own, very long to me, yet, we 
shall meet sooner than you can expect. While defend- 
ing the liberty I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom 
myself; I but offer my services to that interesting 
Republic from motives of the purest kind, unmixed 
with ambition or private views ; her happiness and my 
glory are my only incentives to the task. I hope, that 
for my sake, you will become a good American, for 
that feeling is worthy of every noble heart. The 
happiness of America is intimately connected with the 
happiness of all mankind. She will become the safe 
and respected asylum of virtue, integrity, toleration, 
equality, and tranquil happiness." 

After a tedious voyage of almost two months in 
duration, the Victory came in sight of the American 
shores. A thrill of unspeakable emotion passed over 
the frame of the heroic stranger, as the long, low, 
sand-plains of the eastern coast of South Carolina, 
spread away before his vision. This was the land, 
towards which all the earnest yearnings of his soul 
had gone forth ; over which hung his most radiant 
hopes and anticipations. What fortunes awaited him 
there ; — what reception would he meet ; — ■ what 
were now the prospects of the glorious conflict, upon 
whose triumph he had staked his all ; — what would 
be his fate ; — should he fall early in battle, or live 
to see the victorious issue of the struggle, and go 

back to France, himself covered w^ith glory, and 
8 



28 LIFE OF GENERAL 

bearing in his heart the gratitude of a free people, 
for his timely aid in breaking their fetters? These, 
and similar inquiries thronged his mind ; but all van- 
ished before the rapture of his arrival. He landed at 
Winyau Bay, about sixty miles northeast from Charles- 
ton, on the 14th of June, 1777 



CHAPTER 11. 

Lafayette in America — Reception — Visits Charleston — Letter to ni> 
WIFE — Proceeds northward to Philadelphia — His reception there — 
Distrust op Congress — Resolutions passed — Lafayette meets Wash- 
ington — Friendship op the two — Dark prospects op the Revolution- 
Battle of Brandywine — Heroic conduct op Lafayette — Is wounded— 
At Bethlehem — Letters— Again at camp — Accompanies Gen. Greene to 
New Jersey — Engagement at Gloucester — Lafayette is appointed to 
A command— Winter quarters at Valley Forge — The Conway Cabal- 
Expedition against Canada — Lafayette returns to Valley Forge. 

Lafayette and the Baron de Kalb, who accom- 
panied him, stepping on liberty's soil mutually swore 
to conquer, or die in the contest upon which they 
were entering. It was midnight when the canoe, 
which had conveyed them from the ship to the land- 
ing place up the bay, rested on the silent beacH. 
The Marquis was in high spirits, now that he was 
fairly across the monotonous sea ; and he could look 
confidently forward to the fruition of his hopes. 
Beneath that midnight sky^ with the stars looking 
calmly down upon him, and the land he had come 
to defend slumbering at his feet, the patriotic self- 
devotion of the young adventurer was a romantic 
and beautiful beginning of a brilHant career. At the 
house of Major Benjamin Huger* he met with a 
hearty welcome, and received all the attention which 
generous hospitality, and a due appreciation of his 

* This officer fell, covered with wounds, during Provost's invasioBu 



80 LIFE OF GENERAL 

magnanimity, could bestow. Lafayette was charmed 
with every thing that he saw about him. " The 
novelty of all that surrounded him the next morning 
when he awoke — the room, the bed covered with' 
mosquito nets, the black servants who came to ask 
his commands, the beauty and foreign aspect of the 
country which he beheld from his windows, and 
which was covered with a rich vegetation, all united 
to produce on his mind a magical effect, and excite 
in him a variety of inexpressible emotions." 

Remaining but a short time amid the pleasures of 
this attractive retreat, he set out for Charleston, to 
make arrangements for the return of his vessel to 
France, before he should go northward to Phila- 
delphia. He here met with General Moultrie, and was 
so delighted with his recent gallant defence of the 
fort on Sullivan's island, that he at once presented 
him with clothing, arms, and accoutrements, for one 
hundred men. From Charleston he writes to his 
wife, dated June 19th. 

*' I landed at Charleston, after having sailed for 
several days along a coast swarming with hostile 
vessels. On my arrival here, every one told me 
that my ship must undoubtedly be taken, because 
two English frigates had blockaded the harbor. I 
even sent, both by land and by sea, orders to the 
captain to put the men on shore, and burn the ves- 
sel, if he had still the power of doing so. Eh Men I by 
a most extraordinary piece of good fortune, a sud- 
den gale of wind having blown away the frigates for 
a short time, my vessel arrived at noon-day, without 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 81 

having encountered friend or foe. At Charleston I 
have met v^ith General Hov^e, a general officer, now 
engaged in service. The governor of the state is 
expected this evening from the country. All the 
persons w^ith whom I wished to be acquainted, have 
shown me the greatest attention and politeness, (not 
European politeness merely.) I can only feel grati- 
tude for the reception I have met with, although 1 
have not yet thought proper to enter into any detail 
respecting my future prospects and arrangements. 
I wish to see the Congress first. I hope to set out 
in two days for Philadelphia, which is a land journey 
of more than two hundred and fifty leagues. We shall 
divide into small parties. I have already purchased 
horses and light carriages for this purpose. 

" I shall now speak to you, my love, about the 
country and its inhabitants, who are as agreeable as 
my enthusiasm had led me to imagine. ' SimpHcity 
of manner, kindness of heart, love of country and of 
liberty, and a delightful state of equality, are met 
with universally. The richest and the poorest man 
are completely on a level ;.>and although there are 
some immense fortunes in this country, I may chal- 
lenge any one to point out the slightest difference in 
their respective manner toward each other. J firsi 
saw and judged of a country life at Major Huger'sr 
house. I am at present in this city, where every 
thing somewhat resembles the English customs, ex 
cept that you find more simplicity here than you 
would do in England. Charleston is one of the best 
built, handsomest, and most agreeable cities that I 



S2 LIFE OF GENERAL 

have ever seen. The American women are very 
pretty, and have great simplicity of character. The 
extreme neatness of their appearance is truly de- 
lightful. Cleanliness is every where even more stu- 
diously attended to here than in England. What 
gave me most pleasure is to see how completely the 
citizens are all brethren of one family. In America 
there are none poor, and none even that can be 
called peasants. Each citizen has some property, 
and all citizens have the same rights as the richest 
individual or landed proprietor in the country. > The 
inns are very different from those in Europe ; the 
host and hostess sit at the table with you, and do 
the honors of a comfortable meal, and when you 
depart, you pay your bill without being obliged to 
tax it. If you should dislike going to inns, you may 
always find country houses, in which you will be re- 
ceived, as a good American, with the same attention 
that you might expect to find at a friend's house in 
Europe. 

*' My own reception has been most pecuharly agree- 
able. To have been merely my traveling companion 
suffices to secure the kindest welcome. I have just 
passed five hours at a large dinner, given in compli- 
ment to me by an individual of this town. Generals 
Howe and Moultrie, and several officers of my suite, 
were present. We drank each others' health, and en- 
deavored to talk English, which I am beginning to 
speak a little. I shall pay a visit to-morrow, with 
these gentlemen, to the governor of the state, and 
make the last arrangements for my departure. The 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 3t 

next day, the commanding officer here will take me to 
see the town and its environs, and I shall then set out 
to join the army. 

*'From the agreeable life I lead in this country, 
from the sympathy which makes me feel as much at 
ease with the inhabitants as if I had known them 
twenty years, the similarity between their manner of 
thinking and my own, my love of glory and of liberty, 
you might imagine that I am very happy ; but you are 
not with me, my dearest love ; my friends are not with 
me ; and there is no happiness for me when far from 
you and them. I often ask you if you still love ; but 
I put that question still more often to myself, and my 
heart ever answers yes; — I trust that my heart does 
not deceive me. I am inexpressibly anxious to hear 
from you, and hope to find some letters at Philadelphia. 
My only fear is, lest the privateer which was to bring 
them to me, may have been captured on her way. Al- 
though, I can easily imagine that I have excited the 
special displeasure of the English, by taking the liberty 
of coming hither in spite of them, and landing before 
their very face, yet, I must confess that we shall be 
even more than on a par if they have succeeded in 
catching that vessel, the object of my fondest hopes, 
by which I am expecting to receive your letters. I 
entreat you to send me both long and frequent letters. 
You are not sufficiently conscious of the joy with 
which I shall receive them. Embrace, most tenderly, 
my Henriette ; may I add, embrace our children] 
The father of those poor children is a wanderer, but 
he is, nevetheless, a good, honest man — a good father, 



84 LIFE OF GENEilAL 



A 



warmly attached to his family, and a good husband, 
also, for he loves his wife most tenderly. The night 
is far advanced, the heat intense, and I am devoured 
by gnats; but the best countries, as you perceive, 
have their inconveniences. Adieu, my love, adieu." 

This letter is full of interest. It adds a fresh color- 
ing to the character of its author; all the exciting 
circumstances attending his advent on a new continent, 
did not create forgetfulness of the duties home-affec- 
tions imposed. Upon the same altar glowed conjugal 
and parental love, with the deepest devotion to a bleed- 
ing and ravaged country. The manner in which he 
speaks of the equahty of American society, and his 
delight in contemplating a country without peasantry^ 
show that aristocratic prejudices of rank and titles 
were entirely in abeyance to an expansive and unri- 
valed philanthropy. In all his intercourse with others, 
he was ready to forget himself and his position, and be 
one of the plain people by whom he was surrounded. 
But he longed for the stirring scenes of the battle- 
field. His delay at Charleston was wearisome to him. 
Though at a great distance from the seat of war, he 
caught up every rumor and vague report, with his eye 
kindling like the eagle's, when, imprisoned, he hears 
from afar the cry of his fellow. Young in years, he 
was yet mature in every point of character. He as- 
tonished ordinary men no more, by his adherence to 
the doubtful fortunes of freedom, than he did veteran 
soldiers by the sagacity and breadth of his views. 
Here, as ever, he won the admiration, respect, and love, 
of all who came within the atmosphere of his magical 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 35 

presence. As soon as practicable, leaving Charleston, 
Lafayette was on his way to Philadelphia. The travel 
was exhausting, though he hardly knew it in the fine 
excitement his enterprize awakened. In our day, rail- 
roads and steam boats make this passage a pleasant 
excursion. Then, the roads w^ere new and bad, the 
weather often unfavorable, and every outward circum- 
stance contributed to make the journey toilsome and 
discouraging. In a letter to his wife, written at Pe- 
tersburgh, Va., July 17th, 1777, he says : — '^I am now 
eight days' journey from Philadelphia, in the beautiful 
state of Virginia. All fatigue is over, and I fear that 
my martial labors will be very light if it be true that 
General Howe has left New York, to go, I know not 
whither. But all the accounts I receive are so uncer 
tain, that I cannot form any fixed opinion until I reach 
my destination. 

" You must have learned the, particulars of the com- 
mencement of my journey. You know that I set out 
in a brilliant manner, in a carriage, and I must now tell 
you that we are all on horseback — having broken the 
carriage according to my usual praiseworthy custom — 
and I hope soon to write to you that we have arrived 
on. foot. The journey is somewhat fatiguing ; but, 
although several of my comrades have suffered a great 
deal, I have scarcely, myself, been conscious of fatigue. 
The captain who takes charge of this letter will, 
perhaps, pay you a visit. I beg you, in that case, 
to receive him with great kindness. 

" The farther I advance to the north, the better 
pleased am I with the country and its inhabitants. 



36 LIFE OF GENERAL 

There is no attention or kindness that I do not receive, 
although many scarcely know who I am. But I 
will write all this to you more in detail from Phila- 
delphia." 

Congress was now in session at Philadelphia ; and 
immediately upon his arrival, Lafayette presented 
himself before it. The time was in many respects 
inauspicious. A crowd of foreign adventurers who 
•^had made the same stipulations with Mr. Deane as 
himself, had recently been importuning that body to 
fulfill the agreements which their minister at Paris 
had rashly made. Many of those whom Mr. Deane 
had sent over came simply to follow their profession, 
without the slightest regard to the right of the cause 
in which they were to take up arms. It was with 
them, simply a quid ^ro quo. They gave a certain 
amount of service, fo^ which they were to receive a 
certain amount of pay-, and degree of rank in the 
army. If this were done, they had no farther con- 
cern. Many of tjiem would have as soon drawn the 
sword for the enemy, provided they could have ex- 
pected an equal return for their employment. We 
would not, however, in this list, include all the foreign- 
ers who contributed so materially by their military 
skill and aid to final victory. Many of them were 
brave men and true — who bitterly hated oppression. 
These will always be remembered with gratitude, 
while those who fought from mercenary motives or 
love of glory, will be forgotten. Congress thus em- 
barrassed from the numerous applications already 
received, was unprepared for farther soHcitation. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 37 

Much dissatisfaction was felt towards Mr. De.ane for 
encouraging expectations which could not be realized. 
Many American officers began to express discontent 
at seeing themselves suddenly superseded in rank by 
their foreign allies. So many were the complaints, 
and manifold the difficulties, that the legislative assem- 
bly had almost come to the determination not to 
receive farther requests of the kind ; and when Lafay- 
ette appeared he was treated with coolness, which 
amounted well nigh to neglect. The young Marquis, 
who had been hailed with joy upon his arrival, and 
treated with unbounded respect until now, could not 
have anticipated a change so marked, and undesign- 
edly cruel. Here was displayed anew that moral 
heroism, which shone in every hour of trial. Having 
laid his stipulations with Mr. Deane before Congress, 
with the confidence of unsullied motives, he learned 
from the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, that owing to such circumstances as we have 
detailed above, there was little hope that his request 
would be granted. Seizing a pen, he immediately 
directed to Congress the following brief but meaning 
note : 

^ "After the sacrifices I have made, I have a right 
to exact two favors : — one is, to serve at my own 
expense — the other is, to serve as a volunteer." 

Such a note, in beautiful contrast with the proud 
demands of many who had lately claimed appoint- 
ments, was an affecting surprise. It disclosed the 
man — assured them he was a benefactor, whose offers 
should not be lightly esteemed. They soon learned 



38 LIFE OF GENERAL 

his worth, and, with astonishment, the generous sacri- 
fices he had made. Accordingly, upon the 31st of 
July, 1777, they passed the following preamble and 
resolution : 

" Whereas, The Marquis de Lafayette, out of his 
great zeal in the cause of hberty in which the United 
States are engaged, has left his family and connexions, 
and, at his own expense, come over to offer his ser- 
vice to the United States, without pension or par- 
ticular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in 
our cause ; 

** Resolved, That his services be accepted, and that 
in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family and con- 
nexions, he have the rank and commission of a Major- 
General in the army of the United States." 

On the 1st of August, Lafayette was presented to 
Washington. The tide of war seemed now to be 
moving towards Philadelphia, and the Commander-in- 
Chief had left Germantown, that he might place the 
city in a posture of defence. The majestic figure, 
the noble deportment and affability of manners which 
characterized Washington, won the whole soul of 
Lafayette. A kindred chord seemed to vibrate in 
each heart, as for the first time they met, and 
exchanged their salutations. Lafayette felt an un- 
bounded veneration, while he stood in the presence 
of THE MAN OF THE AGE. Washington's sympathies 
Were drawn instantly and intensely towards the young 
hero, whose whole being was swayed by an impulse 
and purpose similar to his own. There was, in a 
sublime sense, a mutual recognition; and around the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 39 

willing hearts of both was woven then, that tie of 
friendship which afterwards became a band, that death 
only could sever. It was a dinner party that opened 
this acquaintance. '^ When the company were about 
to separate, Washington took Lafayette aside, spoke 
to him very kindly, complimented him on the noble 
spirit he had shown, and the sacrifices he had made 
in favor of the American cause, and then told him, 
that he should be pleased if he would make the head 
quarters of the Commander-in-Chief his home, es- 
tablish himself there whenever he thought proper, 
and consider himself at all times as one of his family ; 
adcling, in a tone of pleasantry, that he could not 
promise him the luxuries of a court, or even the 
conveniences which his former habits might have ren- 
dered essential to comfort ; — but since he had become 
an American soldier, he would doubtless contrive to 
accommodate himself to the character he had assumed, 
and submit with a good grace to the customs, man- 
ners and privations of the republican army." This 
invitation was accepted with eagerness by the Mar- 
quis, and was never afterwards revoked by the Com- 
mander-in-Chief. Lafayette placed himself under his 
care and tuition, and owned himself the adopted son 
of Washington. With all the fire of youth, and all 
the enthusiasm of his nature, he attached himself to 
the unrivaled chieftain. 

It was now a critical period in the revolutionary move- 
ment. Disasters had been numerous, and victories few; 
many, who at the beginning, met firmly the shock of 
ih^ foe, were becoming disheartened and despairing. 



40 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Discontent in open murmurs spread through the camp, 
and the half-clad and famished militia, in great numbers, 
disbanding, returned to their homes. The brilliant suc- 
cess at Trenton had revived for a v^hile the droop- 
ing courage of the nation, but it v^as only for a 
deeper depression. The British forces were mustering 
with renewed energy for a decisive onset, anticipating 
in the present campaign a consummation of their 
work — and, with the stripes and stars trailing in the 
dust, they confidently hoped to see their royal stan- 
dard waving over a submissive people. The canton- 
ments of the main body of the English host, while 
in winter quarters, stretched in a vast chain from the 
river Raritan on the North, to the banks of the Dela- 
ware on the South. Rhode Island had yielded with 
little opposition, A strong detachment under the savage 
Tryon, had overrun with a terrifically desolating 
march, the whole southern section of Connecticut. 
New York city and Long Island were conquered, 
and among the spoils of the exulting enemy. ■ In addi- 
tion, many distinguished citizens of Pennsylvania and 
the Jerseys, had made overtures for a voluntary sub- 
mission. A panic consequently was felt throughout 
the country, and the beacon light of freedom shone 
with a fading and uncertain radiance upon the troubled 
deep of oppressed humanity. For hardly a station 
which the Americans occupied, from Ticonderoga to 
Charleston, was free from peril. But the most appalling 
danger was the jealousies and machinations against 
the Commander-in-Chief. A strong faction was form- 
ing ; the envy and hate which . are always cherished 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 41 

by little souls against the great, were burning towards 
him. Gates was plotting for the supreme command, 
and as it afterwards transpired, there were many in 
his interest of those who had high rank, both in the 
army and in the state. Of all these difficulties Lafay- 
ette gradually became aware, but looked upon them 
calmly and undismayed. America shall conquer, and 
Washington rise proudly above conspiracy, was a 
resolve that never wavered, amid the thickest perils 
with which he was afterwards environed. 

No apprehensions being entertained of an immediate 
attack on Philadelphia, Washington took Lafayette 
with him to the camp. The General soon found in 
his young protege a hero of no ordinary stamina. 
His generous devotion, the wisdom and scope of his 
plans, became daily more apparent. The commission 
which he had received from Congress was, as yet, 
only an honorary one, conferring upon him no real 
command. This was a source of much embarrass- 
ment to Washington, as well as to the Marquis. 
Lafayette felt that he was young and inexperienced, 
and had not the boldness to ask outright to be in- 
vested with the active duties of his commission, but 
while stating his incapacities to Washington, he at 
the same time took occasion to hint that as soon as 
he should be deemed fit for the command of a di- 
vision, he would be ready to enter upon the duties of 
it. Washington accordingly wrote to Congress upon 
the subject, but received in return the intelligence, 
that the commission given to the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette, was only honorary, and that he could not yet 



42 LIFE OF GENERAL 

receive an appointment. He manifested no displea- 
sure at this result, but patiently waited for the time, 
when he could earn his rank, and claim it by virtue 
of his own services. 

On the 11th of September, 1777, was fought the 
battle of Brandywine.- The British fleet under Sir 
William Howe, whose movements along the American 
coast, at one time seeming to threaten Philadelphia, 
and at another appearing to meditate an attack upon 
Charleston, had caused much apprehension and doubt, 
had, at last, entered the Chesapeake ; and, having pro- 
ceeded up the Elk river as far as it was safely navi- 
gable, landed the forces at the ferry on the 25th of 
August. The determination of an assault upon Phila- 
delphia was no longer questionable. The same army 
had in vain attempted to reach the city by land across 
the Jerseys, a few months before. With eighteen 
thousand men, in good health and spirits, admirably 
supplied with all the implements of war, and led on by 
the ablest ofliccrs, the hopes of the invading army 
were high of a splendid victory. The day before Sir 
William Howe landed, General Washington, to inspire 
the citizens with confidence, paraded his troops through 
the streets of Philadelphia, and then proceeded boldly 
to the Brandywine. The popular clamor, favored by 
the voice of Congress, demanded a battle, and he de- 
termined to risk one, though without many proba- 
bilities on which his judgment could base a hope of 
success. With not over eleven thousand troops, and 
these miserably clothed and fed, with their spirits de- 
pressed by the recent calamities and present darkenhig 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 43 

prospects, Washington greatly apprehended that he 
could not successfully compete with the strength of 
the battalions marching against him. The wisdom of 
his course, when viewed in the light in which it should 
be regarded, is, however, unquestionable. In the pre- 
sent condition of affairs, defeat was better than in- 
action. A battle was demanded by the public feeling, 
and, though disastrous, would be less injurious than to 
suffer the enemy to advance to Philadelphia without 
opposition. 

Washington, having halted for a few days on the 
banks of the Brandywine, to refresh his troops, and 
get a better knowledge of the face of the country and 
the plans of the enemy, sent forward two divisions un- 
der Greene and Stephen, who proceeded nearer to the 
head of the Elk, and encamped behind White Clay 
Creek. Three miles farther on, at Iron Hill , was sta- 
tioned General Maxwell, at the head of an effective 
corps of light infantry, formed from a regiment of 
Morgan's riflemen, which had been detached to the 
northern army. Posting the cavalry along the lines, 
Washington, with the main body, crossed the Brandy- 
wine, and took up his position behind Red Clay Creek, 
on the road which Sir William Howe would have to 
traverse on his march to Philadelphia. Lafayette was 
with him, and watched with the Kveliest interest, the 
preparations for the approaching contest. These were 
inade with consummate adroitness and prudence, but 
Sir William Howe was no common foe ; and the di- 
lection which he seemed contemplating for his vastly 

superior force^ decided Washington that a change of 

4 



44 LIFE OF GENERAL 

his own position was necessary. A council of war 
was held on the night of the 9th of September, when 
it was determined to retire behind the Brandy wine, 
and meet the enemy near Chadd's Ford, from the 
heights which ranged along upon the opposite side of 
the river. Lafayette says in one of his papers, that a 
letter from Congress had secured this position, al- 
though it had hardly been examined by the American 
troops. It was in many respects favorable, though the 
difficulty and ineligibility of undertaking to dispute the 
passage of a river by fronting the enemy on the oppo- 
site side, has been generally insisted upon by writers 
on the art of war.* Foreigners have blamed Wash- 
ington for taking this ground, and engaging in battle 
with his small army. Their error consists not that 
they misapply their military tactics, but that they do 
not rightly judge of the circumstances under which 
Washington was placed. Congress required that the 
enemy should be fought, and the country could not 
have been satisfied without a conffict. 

On the morning of the 11th of September, soon 
after day break, Lafayette sprang to his feet at the 
intelligence, that the whole British army was in mo- 
tion, and advancing towards them on the direct road 



* The Marquis rle Feuquiere says: "It is impossible to guard the 
shores of a river when the ground to be guarded is of a great extent, 
because the assailant, pointing his efforts to several places, for the pur- 
pose of separating the forces of his adversary, and to draw liis attention 
to soots very distant from eacli other, at length determining to make his 
effort at the point where lie finds the least ability to resist, always pi'e- 
vails over the labors and vigilance of his enemy, more especially wlien 
he employs the night for the execution of his enterprise, that being 
most favorable for coucealhig the place of his principal effort." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 45 

leading over Chadd's Ford. General Maxwell had 
been advantageously stationed, so that he could com- 
mand this road from the hills, on the south side of 
the river ; and the first action accordingly began 
with him. The foe advanced in two magnificent 
columns, the right commanded by General Knyphau- 
sen, and the left by Lord CornwalHs. The plan of 
Howe was, that Knyphausen's division should occupy 
the attention of the Americans, by making repeate'd 
feints of attempting the passage of the ford, while 
CornwalHs should make a long sweep up the river, 
and cross it at Birmingham. Knyphausen accor- 
dingly advanced with his column, and speedily dis- 
lodging General Maxwell from his post, forced him 
to cross over, though with but little loss. A furious 
cannonading was instantly begun, and other demon- 
strations made, which indicated the intention of the 
British immediately to attempt the passage of the 
Ford. The day was occupied in preventing this, 
till eleven o'clock in the morning, when the move- 
ment of CornwalHs was first announced to Washing- 
ton. A smile of delight played upon his countenance, 
and he immediately determined upon one of those bold, 
but judicious plans, for which he was remarkable. 
Placing himself at the head of the center and left 
wing of the army, he resolved to cross the river in 
person, and overwhelm Knyphausen before CornwalHs 
could be summoned back to his aid. His ranks were 
already formed for the passage, and his troops had 
anr=!wcred to the proposition with deafening shouts, 
whon a messenger arrived with the intelligence, that 



46 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Cornwallis had only made a feint of crossing the 
fords above, and was now actually bringing his 
division down the southern side of the river, to re- 
unite with Knyphausen. The tidings were agony to 
Washington ; though false, they came in a form 
wnich constrained him to believe them true, and his 
bold project was accordingly abandoned. His troops 
were impatient for the encounter, but for two hours 
he could only give them quiet directions, while he 
endeavored, in distressing suspense, to gain some 
clue to the movements of the enemy on the opposite 
side. At about two o'clock in the afternoon, his 
uncertainty was removed, when the certain intelli- 
gence reached him, that Lord Cornwallis, after hav- 
ing made a circuit of nearly seventeen miles, had 
forded the river above its forks, and, accompanied 
by Sir William Howe, was advancing upon him. 
Close action was immediately prepared for, and all 
along the American lines ran the accents of welcome 
for the conflict. The three divisions which formed 
the right wing, under Generals Sullivan, Stirling, and 
Stephens, were detached, and, moving up the Brandy- 
wine, fronted the British column marching do'."n the 
river. Selecting an advantageous piece of • ,.i: 
near Birmingham, with the river on their left, and, 
having both flanks covered by a thick wo' iLoy 
hastily formed, and awaited the attack. 

Lafayette, who had kept by the side of W^ r^ -u-^a 
during these scenes, and marked them with ubsorbiiig 
interest, soon saw that the divisions designed toirj-eet 
Cornwallis, were to receive most of the heavy bfcws 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 47^ 

of that day's battle, and petitioned and obtained per- 
mission to join them. A burst of enthusiasm greeted 
his arrival, as he threw himself into the midst of 
the troops, eagerly waiting the approach of the foe. 
The opportunity which he sought was not wanting 
long. The host was visible, sweeping in grand and 
imposing array over the plain before them. When 
he saw the enemy. Lord CornwalHs formed in the 
finest order, and hastening forward, his first line 
opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery up- 
on them. It was about half past four when the 
battle began. The Americans returned the fire with 
great injury, but the impetuosity with which the 
English and Hessian troops threw themselves upon 
their ranks, was more than they could withstand. 
For a time, both parties fought with unparalleled 
bravery, and the carnage was terrible. Above the 
shrill notes of '* death's music," and louder than the 
roar of combat, rose the wild shout of living men. 
The maddening exultation .and the groans, terrible 
imprecations and shrieks of the fallen in their last 
anguish, were mingled in a horrid chorus, which 
might have made angels grieve, and the Demon of 
War ashamed of his work. For some time it was 
a doubtful struggle, but the fiery emulation which 
stimulated the English and Hessians, at last com- 
pelled the Americans to give way before them. The 
right wing first yielded, then the left, while the cen- 
tral division, where Lafayette was bravely fighting, 
was the last to breast the storm, which now con- 
centrating its strength, spent its fury upon those de- 



48 LIFE OF GENERAL 

voted ranks. Firm as a rock amid the waves of 
ocean, they bore themselves proudly against the tide 
of victory, which rolled in fearfully upon them. 
By a skillful manoeuvre, Cornwallis had managed to 
separate them from the two wings, when defeat be- 
came inevitable. The whole fire of the enemy was 
united against it, and the confusion became extreme. 
The troops at first wavered, then rallied, then wa- 
vered again, and at last fell into a disorderly retreat. 
It was in vain that Lafayette endeavored to check 
it. Defying danger, he stood almost single handed 
against the on-coming host, and endeavored to re- 
animate his flying comrades by his own example. 
It was all fruitless. A ball struck him, and as he 
fell, those remaining on the field gave way. Gimat, 
aid-de-camp to the Marquis, assisted his master in 
getting upon a horse, and though the blood was 
flowing profusely from his wound, Lafayette reluc- 
tantly turned and joined the fugitives. General Wash- 
ington at this moment arrived with fresh troops, upon 
the field. Greene's divisions had marched four miles 
in forty-two minutes, but were too late to avert 
the disasters of the day. Lafayette, as soon as he 
saw Washington, started to join him, but loss of 
blood obliged him to stop and have his wound ban- 
daged. While submitting to this, a band of soldiers 
came upon him so suddenly, that he had barely time 
to re-mount for flight, escaping as by a miracle the 
snower of bullets which whistled around his form, 

A general rout was the order of the day. The 
road to Chester was crowded with the retreating. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 49 

Knyphausen had forced the passage of Chadd's Ford, 
notwithstanding the obstinate resistance of Generals 
Wayne and Maxwell, who had been left to defend it. 
Washington found that all that could be done was to 
stay the pursuit. So successful were his efforts, and 
those of General Greene, that as night approached, Sir 
William Howe called in his troops and gave over the 
chase. Lafayette was unwearied in his endeavors to 
save the army. Forgetting himself, his wound, and 
every thing but this one object, he exerted himself to 
the utmost, amid the darkness and dreadful confusion 
of that night, to restore order among the fleeing and 
despairing soldiery. At Chester Bridge, twelve miles 
from the scene of battle, he was in part successful. 
The Generals and the Commander-in-chief arrived, 
and Lafayette, at last fainting from loss of blood and 
excessive fatigue, was borne away to receive the at- 
tention which his situation demanded. 

Lafayette was conveyed by water the next day to 
Philadelphia, while the army moved forward by land. 
As soon as he reached the city he sat down and wrote 
the following to her, who, next to liberty, was the 
dearest idol of his heart. Dating his letter, Phila- 
delphia, Sept. 12th, he says : 

"I must begin by telling you that I am perfectly 
well, because I must end by telling you that we fought 
seriously last night, and that we were not the stronger 
party on the field of battle. Our Americans, after 
having stood their ground for some time, ended at 
length by being routed. While endeavoring to rally 
them, the English honored me with a musket ball, 



50 ILIFE OF GENERAL 

which slightly wounded me in the leg, but it is a trifle, 
my dearest love ; the ball touched neither bone nor 
nerve, and I have escaped with the obligation of lying 
upon my back for some time, which puts me much out 
of humor. I hope you will feel no anxiety. This 
event ought, on the contrary, rather to re-assure you, 
since I am incapacitated from appearing on the field 
for some time. I have resolved to take great care of 
myself; be convinced of this, my love. This affair 
will, I fear, be attended with bad consequences for 
America, but we will endeavor, if possible, to repair 
the evil. You must have received many letters from 
me unless the English be as ill-disposed towards my 
epistles as towards my legs. I have not yet received 
one letter, and I am most impatient to hear from you. 
Adieu ; I am forbidden to write longer." 

The news of the battle of Brandywine occasioned 
so much apprehension for the safety of Philadelphia, 
that Congress abruptly adjourned from that city to 
Bristol. Lafayette was also carried thither, whence 
he was taken to Bethlehem to remain under the care 
of the Moravian Society there, until his permanent re- 
covery. Soon after his arrival at this quiet retreat, 
he again wrote a letter, full of interest, to his wife. It 
is dated October 1st, 1777, and reads as follows; 

^* I wrote to you, my dearest love, the 12th of Sep- 
tember ; the twelfth was the day after the eleventh, 
and I have a little tale to relate to you concerning that 
eleventh day. To render my action more meritorious, 
I might tell you that prudent reflections induced me to 
remain for some weeks in bed, safe sheltered from all 



MARQUIS BE LAFAYETTE. 51 

danger; but I must acknowledge that I was encouraged 
to take this measure by a slight wound, which I met 
with I know not how, for I did not, in truth, expose 
myself to peril. It was the first conflict at which I 
had been present, so you see how very rare engage- 
ments are. It will be the last of this campaign, or, in 
all probabihty, at least the last great battle ; and if any 
thing should occur you see that I could not myself be 
present. 

" My first occupation was to write to you the day 
after that affaii' ; I told you that it was a mere trifle, 
and I was right ; all I fear is, that you may not have 
received my letter. As General Howe is giving, 
meanwhile, rather pompous details of his American 
exploits to the king his master, if he should write word 
that I am wounded, he may also write word that I 
am killed, which would not cost him anything ; but 
I hope that my friends, and you especially, will not 
give faith to the reports of those persons who last year 
dared to publish that General Washington and all the 
general officers of his army, being in a boat together, 
had been upset, and every individual drowned. But 
let us speak about the wound ; — it is only a flesh 
wound and has neither touched bone nor nerve. The 
sUigeons are astonished at the rapidity with which it 
heals ; they are in an ecstacy of joy each time they 
dress it, and pretend it is the finest thing in the world. 
For my part, I think it most disagreeable, painful, and 
wearisome ; but tastes often difl^er. If a man, how- 
ever, wished to be wounded for his amusement only, 
he should come and examine how I have been struck, 



S3 LIFE OF GENERAL 

that he might be struck precisely in the same manner. 
This, my dearest love, is what I pompously style my 
wound, to give myself airs and render myself inte- 
resting. 

" I must now give you your lesson as wife of an 
American general officer. They will say to you, — 
* They have been beaten,' — you must answer, — ' That 
is true ; but when two armies of equal number meet in 
the field, old soldiers have naturally the advantage over 
new ones ; — they have, besides, had the pleasure of 
killing a great many of^the enemy, many more than 
they have lost V They will afterwards add ; — ' All 
this is very well, but Philadelphia is taken, the capital 
of America, the rampart of liberty !' You must 
politely answer ; — * You are all great fools ! Phila- 
delphia is a poor forlorn town, exposed on every side, 
whose harbor was already closed ; though the resi- 
dence of Congress lent it, I know not why, some degree 
of celebrity.' This is the famous city which, be it 
added, we will, sooner or later, make them yield back 
to us. If they continue to persecute you with ques- 
tions, you may send them about their business in terms 
which the Viscount de Noailles will teach you, for I 
cannot lose time by talking to you of politics. 

" Be perfectly at ease about my wound ; all the 
faculty in America are engaged in my service. I have 
a friend who has spoken to them in such a manner that 
I am certain of being well attended to. That friend 
is General Washington. This excellent man, whose 
talents and virtues I admired, and whom I have learned 
to revere as I knov^r him better, has now become 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 53 

my intimate friend. His affectionate interest in me 
instantly won my heart. I am established in his house, 
and we live together Hke two attached brothers, with 
mutual confidence and cordiahty. This friendship ren- 
ders me as happy as I can possibly be in this country. 
When he sent his best surgeon to me, he told him to 
take charge of me as if I were his son, because he 
loved me with the same affection. Having heard that 
I wished to rejoin the army too soon, he wrote me a 
letter, full of tenderness, in which he requested me to 
attend to the perfect restoration of my health. I give 
you these details, my dearest love, that you may feel 
quite certain of the care which is taken of me. Among 
the French officers who have all expressed the warm 
est interest in me, M. de Gimat, my aid-de-camp, has 
followed me about like my shadow, both before and 
since the battle, and has given me every possible proof 
of attachment. You may thus feel quite secure on 
this account, both for the present and the future. 

'' I am at present in the solitude of Bethlehem, which 
the Abbe Raynal has described so minutely. This 
establishment is a very interesting one ; — the frater- 
nity lead an agreeable and very tranquil life, but 
we will talk over all this on my return. I intend to 
weary those I love, yourself, of course, in the first 
place, by the relation of my adventures, for you know 
that I was always a great prattler. 

" Y6u must become a prattler also, my love, and say 
many things for me to Henriette — my poor little 
Henriette ! embrace her a thousand times ; — talk of 
me to her, but do not tell her all I deserve to suffer ; — 



54 LIFE OF GENERAL 

my punishment will be, not to be recognized by her on 
my arrival ; that is the penance Henriette will impose 
upon me." 

At Bethlehem Lafayette remained for a number of 
weeks, but his anxiety for active service led him to the 
camp again before his wound was healed. Washing- 
ton received him with open arms, but gently chided his 
imprudent zeal, and urged him to remain at head quar- 
ters. Irksome as this advice was, the judgment of 
Lafayette approved it, and for a while it was scrupu- 
lously followed. But, with returning strength, he 
panted again for action. Though willing to serve in 
any capacity, he did not conceal from Washington his 
wish to become invested with authority corresponding 
to his commission. Washington understood and felt 
the force of the suggestion. Detecting in the Marquis 
abilities adapted to the station desired, he was aware 
of the barrier interposed, by the jealousy against 
foreign officers, which was strongly felt both by Con- 
gress, and the army. He renewed his efforts, feeling 
increasingly solicitous because several French gentle- 
men, who came over under assurances of obtaining an 
honorable command, had recently returned disap- 
pointed to France. Congress, however, was not yet 
disposed to comply with the request. Lafayette, though 
it cannot be doubted that he was somewhat chagrined 
at the failure, admirably concealed his feelings, and 
though his wound was not yet sufficiently h#aled to 
permit him to wear a boot, he asked and obtained per- 
mission to join as a volunteer, an expedition which was 
then fitting out under General Greene, to operate in 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 56 

New Jersey. Tne object of it, in part, was to give 
battle to Lord Cornwallis. Before reaching Billings- 
port, where that officer was preparing to attack Fort 
Mercer, Greene learned with vexation that the enemy 
had been recently greatly augmented, by a reinforce- 
ment from New York. This news determined him 
that it would not be safe to offer battle, and the inten- 
tion was accordingly dismissed, though he remained in 
New Jersey watching for an opportunity to harass, if 
he dare not attack. Fort Mercer was evacuated on 
the 20th of November, and the British fleet had thus 
an uninterrupted intercourse with their troops in Phila- 
delphia. Lord CornwalHs entrenched himself in a. 
strong position on Gloucester Point, and Greene well 
knew that he could not with his present force drive 
him from it. Thus the main purpose of the expedition 
was likely to be defeated ; but Lafayette was not 
inclined to retire without a trial of strength. With a 
small company, he reconnoitered the enemy's picket, 
and was authorized to make an attack upon it if cir- 
cumstances justified. This was on the 25th of Novem- 
ber. Having spent most of the day in examining fully 
as possible the situation of the enemy's camp, he was 
at length discovered, and a detachment of dragoons 
sent off to intercept him. Eluding these, he came sud- 
denly upon a picket of four hundred Hessians, with 
their field pieces posted, at about two and a half miles 
from Gloucester. His own company numbered about 
three hundred men, but all being in fine spirits, the 
enemy was immediately attacked. So sudden was the 
onset, that the Hessians were forced to fly, barely 



56 LIFE OF GENERAL 

firing a single shot. They were driven for more than 
half a mile, when detachments came to their assistance, 
and they turned to face their pursuers. Lafayette was 
not dismayed. His men had as yet met with no loss, 
and now fought with great impetuosity The rein- 
forcements were first overthrown, and then the Hes- 
sians again precipitately fled. The heroic band chased 
them till dark, and then returned in high glee to camp 
with only five wounded, and having lost but one man. 
The loss of the British was considerable, and a number 
of prisoners were taken in the engagement. Lafayette 
was elated with the adventure and highly commended 
by General Greene, for the skill and bravery he 
displayed. 

This engagement offered a fresh opportunity for 
Washington to press the claims of Lafayette upon the 
attention of Congress. That body, as if conscious of 
their injustice, now promptly responded to the pressing 
entreaties of the Commander-in-Chief. On the 1st 
of December, 1777, the following resolution was 
passed : 

" Resolved, That General Washington be informed 
it is highly agreeable to Congress that the Marquis de 
Lafayette be appointed to the command of a division 
in the continental army." 

This was joyful tidings both to the Marquis and to 
Washington. Three days after it was received Lafay- 
ette was publicly invested with his rank, and placed 
over the division of Virginia troops, lately led by 
General Stephens. He returned suitable thanks to 
Washington, but it should be mentioned to his honor, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 51 

that he had been entirely devoted to the cause of free- 
dom, during the time he was suffering the rebuffs of 
the nation for whose sake he was an exile from 
princely affluence and domestic joy. 

It was now almost time for the campaign of 1777 
to close. General Greene had been ordered to re- 
cross the Delaware, and join again the main body 
of the army. Sir William Howe had also recalled 
Lord Cornwallis, determining, if attainable, to bring 
on a decisive engagement between his own and the 
continental forces. With the avowed purpose of 
forcing Washington from his position, and driving 
him beyond the mountains, he marched out of Phila- 
delphia, on the evening of the 4th of December, at 
the head of twelve thousand men, and entrenched 
himself upon a range of hills lying about three miles 
from the American encampment at Whitemarsh. The 
two armies were about equal in number, and Wash- 
ington determined to await the assault, without giv- 
ing the enemy any advantage, by acting upon the 
defensive. From this purpose Sir William Howe 
craftily endeavored to seduce him, but in vain. Seve- 
ral days were spent in slight skirmishes, in all of 
which Lafayette signally distinguished himself, but in 
none of them could the British general decoy from 
his position his wary foe. Not daring to attack him 
in his camp, and unable, by all his manoeuvres, to 
draw him from it, Howe marched back to Phila- 
delphia without having effected a battle ; thus giving, 
though unwillingly, '* the highest testimony of the 
respect which he felt for the talents of his adver- 



58 LIFE OF GENERAL 

sary, and the courage of the troops he was to 
encounter." 

Soon after, Washington broke up his encampment, 
and Lafayette accompanied the army into winter 
quarters at Valley Forge. The details of this terrible 
winter are famihar to every reader of Revolutionary 
history. The undaunted bravery of a soldiery whose 
naked feet tracked with blood the frozen ground, in 
their march from Whitemarsh to Valley Forge, is cal- 
culated to touch a chord of admiration in a tyrant's 
breast. Lafayette, himself, thus describes the condition 
of the army after it had taken up its winter quarters: 
" The unfortunate soldiers were in want of every 
thing; — they had neither coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes; — 
their feet and legs froze until they became black, and 
it was often necessary to amputate them. From want 
of money they could neither obtain provisions nor any 
means of transport. The Colonels were often reduced 
to two rations and sometimes to one. The army fre- 
quently remained whole days without provisions, and 
the patient endurance of both soldiers and officers was 
a miracle, which each moment served to renew. But 
the sight of their misery prevented new engage- 
ments; — ^it was almost impossible to levy recruits ; — 
it was easy to desert into the interior of the country. 
The sacred fires of liberty were not extinguished, 
it is true, and the majority of the citizens detested 
British tyranny; but the triumph of the North* 



* Gates defeat of Burgoyne. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 59 

and the tranquillity of the South, had lulled to sleep 
two-thirds of the continent." In all these trials, La- 
fayette was himself uncomplaining. He sympathized 
with the soldiers, and cheered the officers, both by 
word and example. '^ He adopted in every respect 
the American dress, habits and food. He wished to be 
more simple, frugal, and austere, than the Americans 
themselves. Brought up in the lap of luxury, he sud- 
denly changed his whole manner of living, and his con- 
stitution bent itself to privations as well as to fatigue." 
The British officers in their luxurious quarters at Phila 
delphia laughed at the privations of the '' rebels,''^ but 
even under this stern discipline, there was strengthen- 
ing a spirit which could not be subdued. Through the 
rigors of that aw^ful winter, the fires of patriotism 
burned with steady flame; and amid the tempests that 
howled across the snow-clad plains, of Valley Forge, 
the tree of liberty grew, nourished, it is true, with 
blood and tears. It was a dark day, indeed, but there 
was a light in every heart among those ill-clad soldiers, 
which the midnight of adversity could not shroud. 

From Valley Forge the Marquis writes to his father- 
in-law the Duke d'Ayen, in France. His letter is da- 
ted December 16th, 1777, and we extract from it the 
following interesting passages : 

'' The loss of Philadelphia is far from being so impor- 
tant as it is conceived to be in Europe. If the differ- 
ence of circumstances, of countries, and of proportions 
between the two armies, were not duly considered, 
the success of General Gates would appear surprising 

when compared with the events which have occurred 
.5 



60 LIFE OF GENERAL 

with us, — taking into account the superiority of Ge- 
neral Washington over General Gates. Our General 
is a man formed, in truth, for this revolution, which 
could not have been accomplished without him. I see 
him more intimately than any other man, and I see 
that he is worthy of the adoration of his country. His 
tender friendship for me, and his complete confidence 
in me, relating to all political and military subjects, 
great as well as small, enable me to judge of all the 
interests he has to conciliate, and all the difficulties he 
has to conquer. I admire each day more fully the ex- 
cellence of his character and the kindness of his heart. 
Some foreigners are displeased at not having been em- 
ployed — although it did not depend on him to employ 
them — others, whose ambitious projects he would not 
serve, and some intriguing, jealous men, have endea- 
vored to injure his reputation ; but his name will be 
revered in every age by all true lovers of liberty and 
humanity. Although I may appear to be eulogizing 
my friend, I believe that the part he makes me act, 
gives me the right of avowing pubhcly how much I 
aidmire and respect him. 

"America is most impatiently expecting us to 
declare for her, and France will, one day, I hope, 
determine to humble the pride of England. This hope,, 
and the measures which America appears determined 
to pursue, give me great hopes for t[. : glorious esta- 
blishment of her independence. We are not, I con- 
fess, as strong as I expected, but we are strong enough 
to fight, and we shall do so, I trust, with some degree 
of success. With the assistance of France, we shall 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 61 

gain with costs the cause that I cherish, because it is 
the cause of justice; because it honors humanity; be- 
cause it is important to my country, and because my 
American friends and myself are deeply engaged in it. 
The approaching campaign will be an interesting one. 
It is said that the English are sending us some Hano- 
verians; some time ago they threatened us with what 
was far worse, the arrival of some Russians. A slight 
menace from France would lessen the number of these 
reinforcements. The more I see of the English, the 
more thoroughly convinced I am, that it is necessary 
to speak to them in a loud tone. 

*' After having wearied you with public affairs, you 
must not expect to escape without being wearied also 
with my private affairs. It is impossible to be more 
agreeably situated in a foreign country than I am. I 
have only feelings of pleasure to express, and I have 
each day more reason to be satisfied with the conduct 
of Congress towards me; although my military occupa- 
tions have allowed me to become personally acquainted 
with but few of its members. Those I do know, have 
especially loaded me with marks of kindness and atten- 
tion. The new President, Mr. Laurens, one of the 
most respectable men of America, is my particular 
friend. As to the army, I have had the happiness of 
obtaining the friendship of every individual; not one 
opportunity is lost of giving me proofs of it. I passed 
the whole summer without accepting a division, which 
you know, had been my previous intention; I passed 
all that time at General Washington's house, where I 
felt as if I w^ere with a friend of twenty years' stand- 



63 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ing. Since my return from Jersey, he has desired me 
to choose among several brigades, the division which 
may please me best. I have chosen one entirely com- 
posed of Virginians. It is weak in point of numbers, 
at present, just in proportion, however, to the weak- 
ness of the whole army, and almost in a state of 
nakedness, but I am promised cloth of which I shall 
make clothes and recruits, of which soldiers must be 
made, about the same period; — but, unfortunately, the 
latter is the more difficult task, even for more skillful 
men than I. The task I am performing here, if I 
had acquired sufficient experience to perform it well, 
would improve exceedingly my future knowledge.- 
The Major-General replaces the Lieutenant-General 
and the Field Marshal in their most important func- 
tions, and I should have the power of employing to 
advantage both my talents and experience, if Provi- 
dence and my extreme youth allowed me to boast of 
j possessing either. - 1 read, I study, I examine, I hsten, 
I reflect, and the result of all is, the endeavor at form- 
ing an opinion, into which I infuse as much common 
sense as possible. I will not talk much for fear of say- 
ing fooHsh things; I will still less risk acting much for 
fear of doing foolish things; for I am not disposed to 
abuse the confidence which the Americans have so 
kindly placed in me. > Such is the plan of conduct 
which I have followed until now, and which I shall 
continue to follow; but when some ideas occur to me, 
which I believe may become useful when properly 
rectified, I hasten to impart them to a great judge, who 
is good enough to say he is pleased with them. On 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 63 

the other hand, when my heart tells me that a fa- 
vorable opportunity offers, I cannot refuse myself the 
pleasure of participating in the peril, but I do not 
think that the vanity of success ought to make us 
risk the safety of an army, or of any portion of it, 
which may not be formed or calculated for the offen- 
sive. If I could make an axiom, with the certainty of 
not saying a foolish thing, I should venture to add, that 
whatever may be our force, we must content ourselves 
with a completely defensive plan, with the exception, 
however, of the moment when we may be forced to 
action, because I think I have perceived that the Eng- 
lish troops are more astonished by a brisk attack than 
by a firm resistance. 

" This letter will be given you by the celebrated 
Adams, whose name must undoubtedly be known to 
you. As I have never allowed myself to quit the 
army, I have never seen him. He w^ished that I should 
give him letters of introduction to France, especially 
to yourself. May I hope that you will have the good- 
ness to receive him kindly, and even to give him some 
information respecting the present state of affairs. I 
fancied you would not be sorry to converse with a man 
whose merit is so universally acknowledged. He de- 
sires ardently to succeed in obtaining the esteem of our 
nation. One of his friends himself told me so." 

The tribute which Lafayette paid in this letter to 
General Washington, came warmly from his heart. 
The annals of friendship scarcely show an intenser 
reciprocal affection, than existed between these two 
individuals. Each looked upon the other as a friend. 



84 LIFE OF GENERAL 

and their confidence strengthened constantly during 
their long intercourse together. In the present winter, 
Washington was made the object of a base and jealous 
intrigue, and an attempt was made to induce the Mar- 
quis to join the Cabal. Horatio Gates, intoxicated by 
his recent success against Burgoyne, assisted by a few 
ambitious partisans, was plotting the removal of Wash- 
ington. The popularity of Gates was at this moment 
extreme, and many true friends of America would 
have hailed with applause his appointment as Com- 
mander-in-Chief. Plans, which were at first only 
talked of in secret whispers, at length became loudly 
hinted even in the National Legislature. Some of the 
most prominent men in the nation, Patrick Henry 
among them, were approached, if possible, to shake 
their attachment to Washington. Men of discretion 
repelled at once the base insinuations, and Patrick 
Henry took occasion to make known to him the in- 
fluences which were operating against him. The most 
cautious but deep laid conspiracy was made to win 
over Lafayette to the faction. Promises of high rank 
and command were held out to him, and the strongest 
appeals made to his love of honor and renown. Mo- 
tives drawn from his love of liberty and interest in the 
mighty struggle were also brought to bear upon him. 
The superiority of Gates to Washington as a military 
leader, was greatly enlarged upon in his presence, but 
these only strengthened the love with which the soul 
of Lafayette was bound to Washington. In a letter 
dated December 30th, 1777, he thus communicates his 
feelings to him: 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. G5 

" My Dear General, — I went yesterday morning 
to head-quarters, with an intention of speaking to 
your excellency, but you were too busy, and I shall 
lay down in this letter what I wished to say. 

" I don't need to tell you that I am sorry for all 
that has happened for some time past. It is a neces- 
sary dependence of my most tender and respectful 
friendship for you, which affection is as true and 
candid as the other sentiments of my heart, and 
much stronger than so new an acquaintance seems 
to admit ; but another reason to be concerned in 
the present circumstances is the result of my ar- 
dent and perhaps enthusiastic wishes for the happi- 
ness and liberty of this country. I see plainly that 
America can defend herself if proper measures are 
taken, and now I begin to fear lest she should be 
lost by herself and her own sons. 

" When I was in Europe, I thought that here 
almost every man was a lover of liberty, and would 
rather die free than Hve a slave. You can conceive 
of my astonishment when I saw that toryism was as 
openly professed as whiggism itself ; however, at 
that time I believed that all good Americans were 
united together — that the confidence of Congress in 
you was unbounded. Then I entertained the certi- 
tude that America would be independent in case she 
should not lose you. Take away for an instant that 
modest diffidence of yourself, (which, pardon my 
freedom, my dear General, is sometimes too great, 
and I wish you could know as well as myself what 
difference there is between you and any other man,) 



06 LIFE OF GENERAL 

you would see very plainly that, if you were lost for 
America, there is nobody who could keep the army 
and the revolution six months. There are open dis- 
sensions in Congress ; parties who hate one another 
as much as the common enemy ; stupid men, who, 
without knowing a single word about war, undertake 
to judge you, to make ridiculous comparisons ; they 
are infatuated with Gates, without thinking of the 
different circumstances, and believe that attacking is 
the only thing necessary to conquer. These ideas 
are entertained in their minds by some jealous men, 
and perhaps secret friends to the British Government, 
who want to push you, in a moment of ill humor, 
to some rash enterprise upon the lines, or against a 
much stronger army. I should not take the liberty 
of mentioning these particulars, if I had not received 
a letter about this matter from a young good-natured 
gentleman at York, whom Conway has ruined by 
his cunning, but who entertains the greatest respect 
for you." Lafayette then goes on to recount the 
efforts which had been made to win himself away 
from Washington, and closes his letter with earnest 
assurances of " the most tender and profound re- 
spect," with which he still felt proud to regard him. 
The next day, Washington replied to this letter, 
thanking Lafayette for the " fresh proof of friendship 
and attachment which it gave him," and giving his 
own calm opinion about the plot concerning him. 
In conclusion, this illustrious man writes: — ''But we 
must not, in so great, a contest, expect to meet no- 
thing but sunshine. I have no doubt that every 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 07 

thing happens for the best, that we shall triumph 
over all our misfortunes, and, in the end, be happy ;— 
when, my dear Marquis, if you will give me your 
company in Virginia, we will laugh at our past difli- 
culties and the folly of others ; and I will endeavor, 
by every civility in my power, to show you how 
much, and how sincerely, I am your affectionate and 
obedient servant." 

Notwithstanding the Cabal was destined to prove 
ingloriously fruitless, it nevertheless gave Washington 
great annoyance. 

Conway, his bitter enemy and next to Gates in the 
guilty plot, had been appointed Inspector-General of 
the Army, a promotion so offensive to the officers, that 
it required skillful management of the Commander to 
restrain them from open mutiny. A new Board of 
War, had been instituted by Congress, designed to have 
a general control of military affairs. Of this Board 
Gates was made President, and his influence was 
accordingly given for measures which he knew were 
contrary to the views of Washington. This was done 
with a view of inducing him to retire in disgust from 
the army. Thinking to promote the design by sepa- 
rating from him so faithful and efficient a friend as 
Lafayette, and having been foiled hitherto, the conspi- 
rators brought forward a new plan. On the 22nd of 
January, 1778, it was resolved by Congress ; — " That 
an irruption be made into Canada, and that the Board 
of War be authorized to take every necessary measure 
for the execution of the business, under such general 
offiiers as Congress shall appoint." On the 23d of 



68 LIFE OF GENERAL 

January, Lafayette was appointed to the command 
of this expedition. It was said that the character of 
Lafayette as a Frenchman of illustrious rank, rendered 
him peculiarly qualified for the conquest of a province 
recently attached to the French empire. But it was 
also reported that, "the authors of this scheme had it 
principally in view, by separating Lafayette from 
Washington to deprive the Commander-in-Chief of the 
defense of so trustworthy a friend." Washington was 
not consulted at all respecting this movement. The 
first intimation which he received, was given in a letter 
from General Gates of the 24th of January, enclosing 
one of the same date to Lafayette, requiring his 
attendance on Congress to receive his instructions. 
Without noticing at all the want of confidence in him- 
self, manifested by the action of the Board, Washing- 
ton calmly handed the commission to Lafayette, and 
advised him to accept the appointment, which was an 
honorable one for the Marquis; and, as it .was urged 
upon him, he consented, and immediately proceeded to 
the capital. The troops were to be furnished by the 
northern states, and Lafayette was instructed by the 
Board of War to proceed as soon as possible to 
Albany, where they were to rendezvous. He was 
further counselled, '^ that, considering the length of the 
route into that country in an inclement season, he 
should be particularly attentive to have his men well 
clothed, and so supplied with provisions, as efiectually 
to guard against any misfortune which might happen 
for want of these necessary articles ; — and, in case 
he should fail in obtaining the forces which he n^ighl 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 69 

judge competent, or supplies sufficient for them, that 
he should carefully attend to those contingencies, and 
regulate his conduct according to the probability of 
success, without exposing his troops to any very great, 
or very apparent hazard." With these vague instruc- 
tions Lafayette departed to join his force in Albany, 
taking with him the Baron De Kalb as second in com- 
mand. General Conway,"^ who was also to accom- 
pany him, proceeded before him, and waited his arrival 
at Albany. The account of this campaign we cannot 
make more interesting than by letting the Marquis 
relate it, chiefly in his own words. On his route he 
writes to General Washington as follows : 

'■ " He3imingtown, February 9th, 1778 
*' Dear General, — I cannot let go my guide with 
out taking this opportunity of writing to your excel- 
lency, though I have not yet public business to speak 
of. I go on very slowly ; — sometimes drenched in 
rain, and sometimes covered by snow, and not enter 



* As General Conway was one of the chief intriguers against "Wash- 
ington, and as we do not propose again to refer to this infamous 
transaction, we will here introduce the acknowledgement which he 
afterwards voluntarily made to Washington. Having been wounded in 
a duel with General Cadwallader, and thinking his end approaching, he 
addressed the folloAving letter to the man whom he had attempted 
grossly to injure : 

" Philadelphia, July 23d, 1778. 
"Sir, — I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, 
and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having 
done, written, or said anything disagreeable to your excellency. My 
career will soon be over, therefore, justice and trutli prompt me to 
declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good 
man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration and esteem of these 
states, whose Hberties you have asserted by your virtues. 
" I am with tlie greatest respect, Sir, 

" Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, 

"PHS. CONWAY." 



70 LIFE OF GENERAL 

taining many handsome thoughts about the projected 
incursion into Canada ; if success were to be had it 
would surprise me in a most agreeable manner, by the 
very reason that I don't expect any shining ones. 
Lake Champlain is too cold for producing the least bit 
of laurel, and if I am not starved I shall be as proud as 
if I had gained three battles. 

" Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a 
tavern, but nobody was to be found there. I fancy 
that he will be with Mr. Conway sooner than he has 
told me ; — they will perhaps conquer Canada before 
my arrival, and I expect to meet them at the Governor's 
house in Quebec. 

" Could I believe for one single instant, that this 
pompous command of a northern army will let your 
excellency forget a little us absent friends, then I would 
send the project to the place it comes from. But I 
dare hope that you will remember me sometimes. I 
wish you very heartily the greatest public and private 
happiness and success. It is a very melancholy idea 
for me that I cannot follow your fortunes as near your 
person as I could wish ; but my heart will take, very 
sincerely, its part of every thing which can happen to 
you, and I am already thinking of the agreeable 
moment when I may come down to assure your excel- 
lency of the most tender affection and highest respect." 
Having arrived at Albany, he wrote again to Wash- 
ington : 

"Albany, February 19th, 1778. 

" Dear General, — Why am I so far from you, 
and what business had the Board of War to hurry me 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 71 

through the ice and snow, without knowing what I 
should do, neither what they were going to do them- 
selves 1 You have thought, perhaps, that their project 
would be attended with some difficulty, that some 
means had been neglected, that I could not obtain all 
the success and that immensity of laurels which they 
had promised me ; — but I defy your excellency to 
conceive any idea of what I have seen since I left 
the place where I was quiet and near my friends, to 
run myself through all the blunders of madness or 
treachery, — God knows what, — But let me begin the 
journal of my fine and glorious campaign. 

" According to Lord Stirling's advice, I went by Co- 
rich Ferry, to Ringo's tavern, where Mr. Duer had 
given me a rendezvous, but there no Duer was to be 
found, nor did they ever hear from him. From thence 
I proceeded by the state of New York and had the 
pleasure of seeing the friends of America as warm in 
their love for the Commander-in-Chief as his best 
friend could wish. I spoke to Governor CHnton, and 
was much satisfied with that gentleman. At length I 
reached Albany on the 17th, though I was not expected 
before the 25th. General Conway had been here only 
three days before me, and I must confess I found him 
very active, and looking as if he had good intentions; — 
but we know a great deal upon that subject. His first 
word has been, that the expedition is quite impossible. 
T was at first very diffident of this report, but I have 
found that he was right. Such is, at least, the idea I 
can form of this ill-concerted operation within these 
two days. 



72 LIFE OF GENERAL 

" General Schuyler, General Lincoln, and General 
Arnold had written before my arrival, to General Con- 
way, in the most expressive terms, that, in our present 
circumstances, there was no possibility to begin, now, 
an enterprise into Canada. Hay, Deputy Quarter 
Master General; Cuyler, Deputy Commissary General; 
Mearsin, Deputy Clothier General, in what they call 
the northern department, are entirely of the same opin- 
ion. Colonel Hazen, who has been appointed to a 
place which interferes with the three others above 
mentioned, was the most desirous of going there. 
The reasons of such an order I think I may attribute 
to other motives. The same Hazen confesses we are 
not strong enough to think of the expedition in this 
moment. As to the troops, they are disgusted and (if 
you except some of Hazen's Canadians) reluctant, to 
the utmost degree to begin a winter incursion into so 
cold a country. I have consulted every body and 
every body answ^ers me that it would be madness to 
undertake this operation. 

" I have been deceived by the Board of War. They 
have, by the strongest expressions, promised to me one 
thousand, and — what is more to be depended upon — 
they have assured to me in writing, two thousand and 
Jive hundred combatants at a low estimate. Now, sir, 
I do not believe I can find in all twelve hundred fit for 
duty, and most part of those very men are naked, 
even for a summer's campaign. I was to find General 
Stark with a large body, and indeed General Gates 
had told me, * General Stark will have burnt the Jleet 
before your arrivaV Well, the first letter I receive in 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 73 

Albany is from General Stark, who wishes to know what 
number of men, from whence, for what time, for what 
rendezvous, I wish him to raise. Colonel Biveld who 
was to rise too, would have done something had he 
received money. One asks what encouragement his peo- 
ple will have, the other has no clothes; not one of 
them has received a dollar of what was due them, I 
have applied to every body, I have begged at every 
door I could these two days, and I see that I could do 
some thing were the expedition to be begun in five 
wrecks. But you know that v^e have not an hour to 
lose, and indeed it is now rather too late had we every 
thing in readiness. 

"There is a spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing 
among the soldiers, and even the officers, which is 
owing to their not being paid for some time since. 
This department is much indebted, and as near as I 
can ascertain, for so short a time, I have already dis- 
covered near eight hundred thousand dollars due to 
the continental troops, some militia, the quarter mas- 
ter's department, &c., &c., 6z:c. It was with four hun- 
dred thousand dollars, only the half of which is arrived 
to day, that I was to undertake the operation, and 
satisfy the men under my commands. I send to Con- 
gress the account of those debts. Some clothes, by 
Colonel Hallen's activity, are arrived from Boston, but 
not enough by far, and the greater part is cut off. 

" We have had intelligence from a deserter, who 
makes the enemy stronger than I thought. There is 
no such thing as straw on hoard the vessels to buim 
them, I have sent to Congress a full account of the 



74 LIFE OF GENERAL 

matter; I hope it will open their eyes. What they 
will resolve upon I do not know, but I think I must 
wait here for their answer. I have enclosed to the 
president copies of the most important letters I had 
received. It would be tedious for your excellency, 
were I to undertake the minutest detail of every thing; 
it will be sufficient to say that the want of men, clothes, 
money, and the want of time, deprives me of all hopes 
as to this excursion. If it may begin again in the 
month of June by the east, I cannot venture to assure; 
but for the present moment, such is the idea I conceive" 
of the famous incursion, as far as I may be informed 
in so short a time. 

" Your excellency may judge that I am very dis- 
tressed by this disappointment. My being appointed 
to the command of the expedition is known through 
the continent, it will be soon known in Europe, as I 
have been desired by members of Congress to write to 
my friends; — my being at the head of an army, 
people will be in great expectations, and what shal 
I answer? 

" I am afraid it will reflect on my I'eputation, and I 
shall be laughed at. My fears upon that subject are 
so strong, that I would choose to become again only a 
volunteer, unless Congress offers the means of mend- 
ing this ugly business by some glorious operation; — 
but I am very far from giving to them the least notice 
upon that matter. General Arnold seems very fond of 
a diversion against New York, and he is too sick to 
take the field before four or five months, I should be 
happy if something were proposed to me in that way, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 75 

but I will never ask nor even seem desirous of any 
thing directly from Congress; — and as for you, dear 
General, I know very well that you will do every 
thing to procure me the only thing I am ambitious 
of — glory. 

** I think your excellency will approve of my staying 
here till further orders, and of my taking the liberty of 
sending my dispatches to Congress by a very quick 
occasion, without going through the hands of my 
General ; — ■ but I was desirous to acquaint them early 
of my disagreeable and ridiculous position." Four 
days afterwards he writes as follows : 

" My Dear General, — I have an opportunity of 
writing to your excellency, which I will not miss by 
any means, even should I be afraid of becoming tedious 
and troublesome ; but if they have sent me far from 
you, I don't know for what purpose, at least I must 
make some little use of my pen, to prevent all commu- 
nication from being cut off between your excellency 
and myself. I have written lately to you my distress- 
ing, ridiculous, foolish, and indeed nameless situation. 
I am sent with great noise, at the head of an army, 
for doing great things ; — the whole continent, France 
and Europe herself, and what is the worst, the 
British army, are in great expectations. How far 
they will be deceived, how far we shall be ridiculed, 
you may judge by the candid account you have got 
of the state of our affairs. 

*' There are things, I dare say, in which I am 

deceived — a certain Colonel is not here for nothing ; 

one other gentleman became very popular before 1 
6 



76 LIFE OF GENERAL 

went to this place — Arnold himself is very fond of 
him. Every part on which I turn to look I am sure a 
cloud is drawn before my eyes ; — but there are points 
I cannot be deceived upon. The want of money, the 
dissatisfaction among the soldiers, the disinclination of 
every one (except the Canadians who mean to stay at 
home) for this expedition, are as conspicuous as possi- 
ble. I am sure I shall become very ridiculous and 
laughed at. JWy expedition will be as famous as the 
secret expedition against Rhode Island. I confess, my 
dear General, that I find myself of very quick feelings 
whenever my reputation and glory are concerned in 
anything. It is very hard indeed that such a part of 
my happiness, without which I cannot live, should 
depend upon schemes which I never knew of but when 
there was no time to put them into execution. I 
assure you, my most dear and respected friend, that 
I am more unhappy than I ever was. 

*' My desire for doing something was such, that I 
have thought of doing it by surprise with a detach- 
ment, but this seems to me rash and quite impossible. 
I should be every happy if you were here to give me 
some advice, but I have nobody to consult with. They 
have sent to me more than twenty French officers, but 
I do not know what to do with them. I beg you will 
acquaint me with the line of conduct you advise me to 
follow on every point. I am at a loss how to act, and 
indeed I do not know what I am here for myself. 
However, as being the eldest officer, (after General 
Arnold has desired me to take the command,) I think 
it is my duty to mind the business of thjs part of Ame* 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 77 

rica as well as I can. General Gates holds yet the title 
and power of Commander-in-Chief of the Northern 
Department, but as two hundred thousand dollars have 
arrived, I have taken upon myself to pay the most 
necessary part of the debts we are involved in. 1 am 
about sending provisions to Fort Schuyler ; — I will go 
see the fort. I will try to get some clothes for the 
troops, to buy some articles for the next campaign. I 
have directed some money to be borrowed upon my 
credit to satisfy the troops, who are much discontented. 
In all I endeavor to do for the best, though I have no 
particular authority or instructions. I will come as 
near as I can to General Gates' intentions, but I want 
much to get an answer to my letters. 

'' I fancy (between us) that the actual scheme is to 
have me out of this part of the continent, and General 
Conway in chief under the immediate direction of 
General Gates. How they will bring it up I do not 
know, but you may be sure something of that kind 
will appear. You are nearer than myself, and every 
honest man in Congress is your friend ; — therefore, 
you may foresee and and prevent, if possible, the evil, 
a hundred times better than I can. I would only give 
that idea to your excellency. 

"After having written in Europe (by the desire of 
the members of Congress) so many fine things about 
my commanding an army, I shall be ashamed if nothing 
can be done by me in that way. I am told General 
Putnam is recalled ; but your excellency knows better 
than I do what would be convenient, therefore I don't 
want to mind these things myself. 

" Will you be so good as to present my respect* 



78 LIFE OF GENERAL - ' 

to your lady 1 With the most tender affection and 
highest respect, I have the honor to be, &c." 

Washington deeply sympathized with the Marquis in 
his trying condition, and repHed to these letters in 
terms of condolence and commendation. He assured 
him that his character stood as fair as it ever did, and 
that the prudence which he had displayed, and his 
manifest wisdom in abstaining from the expedition 
under the difficulties by which he was unexpectedly 
surrounded, would brighten rather than tarnish his 
reputation. With the kindness of a father, he assured 
the Marquis of his undiminished confidence, that the 
most prompt to slander could have nothing in his con- 
duct upon which to found a story of blame. His in- 
fluence was also exerted to procure an order from Con- 
gress authorizing the abandonment of the Canadian 
enterprise, and the return of Layfayette. On the 
second of March, the Board of War were directed '' to 
instruct the Marquis de Lafayette to suspend, for the 
present, the intended irruption ; and at the same time 
inform him, that Congress entertain a high sense of his 
prudence, activity, and zeal ; and that they are fully 
persuaded, nothing has, or would have been wanting 
on his part, or on the part of the officers who accom- 
panied him, to give the expedition the utmost possible 
effect." On the thirteenth of March, Washington was 
permitted to recall the Marquis, and in pursuance of 
this order, he rejoined Washington at Valley Forge ; 
where self-denial and mutual sympathy made their 
attachment scarcely less beautiful than that between 
the Hebrew Bard and the young Prince of Israel, who 
fought and suffered together. 



CHAPTER III. 

Brightening prospects —Opening op the campaign op 1773— Lap aybtti 
AT Barren Hill — Perilous position — Brilliant manceuvre, and safe rb» 
TREAT — Attachment OF the army — Affecting intelligence from homb 
—Death op his daughter — Letter to his wife — Evacuation op Phila« 
DELPHiA— Battle op Monmouth — Arrival, op Count d' Estaing ani> 
the French fleet — Lafayette at Rhode Island — Sullivan and d'E»» 
TAiNG — d' Estaing determines to sail for Boston — Remonstrance — 
Lafayette and the admiral — Reasons for the measure — Retreat 
from Newport — Efforts of Lafayette — Repairs to Boston — Agaim 
at Rhode Island — Retreat — Resolutions op Congress — Correspom. 
DENCE — Lafayette prepares to re- visit France — Action op Congress 
— Departure. 

The campaign of 1776 had closed gloomily to the 
friends of freedom ; and the defeated, yet not dis- 
heartened army took up their winter quarters at 
Valley Forge. But while the shadows were deepen- 
ing, there was below the horizon the on-coming of 
day. 

The genius of Washington was not slumbering. In 
the early part of 1778, he was industriously employed 
in forming plans for the next campaign. The regu- 
lations for the militia service were re-organized and 
established upon a firmer basis than before. A new 
spirit of discipline was infused into the regular force, 
and both officers and soldiers found the spring opening 
upon them with new courage, and brighter expectationa 
than at any former period. The influence of the ex- 
ample and representations of Lafayette upon France 
was not unmarked. The French ministry, who had 



80 LIFE OF GENERAL 

always secretly favored the Revolution, were giving 
decided evidence of their interest ; and at length, on 
the 6th of February, the independence of the United 
States vt^as formally acknowledged by that nation. 
The treaties of amitv and commerce, and of defensive 
alliance which were entered into between the Ameri- 
can Commissioners at Paris and the Government, were 
hailed with unbounded joy throughout the land. The 
star of independence, which had trembled upon the 
verge of gathering clouds, shone brightly forth, the 
.herald of morning glory. 

Valley Forge was about twenty miles from Phila- 
delphia, but the British, though vastly superior in num- 
bers, had not attempted a general attack; confining 
their operations to predatory excursions against the 
inhabitants of the surrounding country. Early in the 
month of May the vigilance of General Washington 
discovered indications that they were about to evacu- 
ate the city; and at once took measures to harass 
them on their departure. Lafayette was detached 
with a picked company of two thousand men, with 
orders to cross the Schuylkill, and take up his post as 
an advance guard to the army, where he could be in 
readiness to annoy if practicable the rear of th^ en- 
emy, should they move as expected. " You will re- 
member," said Washington to him, " that your detach- 
ment is a very valuable one and that any accident 
happening to it, would be a severe blow to the army ; 
you will therefore use every precaution for its secu- 
rity, and to guard against a surprise." Lafayette was 
specially enjoined to avoid any permanent station, as it 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 81 

would facilitate the execution of designs which might 
be concerted against him. With these instructions, 
the Marquis crossed the river and halted, on the 18th 
of May, at Barren Hill, situated about midway between 
the encampments at Valley Forge and Philadelphia. 

Intelligence of this was instantly communicated to 
Sir William Howe. The Marquis had chosen his po- 
sition and fortified it with great care, but the British 
General found means to learn the exact number of his 
men and immediately formed a finely devised mode of 
surprise. So well laid was his scheme, and so confi- 
dent was he of success, that on the 19th of May he 
invited a large number of ladies to meet him at a ban- 
quet on the following day, promising that they should 
then be introduced to the captured Marquis. The 
same night he dispatched General Grant with Sir Wil- 
liam Erskine at the head of five thousand select troops, 
who were ordered to gain the rear of Lafayette, and 
thus intercept the passage between his division and the 
main body at Valley Forge. By a forced and circu- 
itous march, he reached his point of destination a little 
before sunrise; which was about a mile from the Mar- 
quis, at a place where the roads fork; — the one leading 
to his camp and the other to Matson's Ford, over the 
Schuylkill. In the course of the same night Sir Wil- 
liam Howe sent General Gray with another strong di- 
vision, which went up the Schuylkill, to a ford of the 
river, directly in front of the right flank of Lafayette. 
The main column led on by Sir William Howe, in 
person, then marched out of the city and took the di- 
rect road along the river to Barren Hill. So secret 



82 LIFE OF GENERAL 

were the operations of the British General, that they 
entirely escaped the vigilance of Lafayette, and on the 
morning of the 20th, he found himself completely 
hemmed in by a powerful army; — his retreat cut 
off, — his advance opposed by a force far stronger than 
his own, — and scarcely the faintest hope of extricating 
himself from the difficulties with which he w^as sur- 
rounded. He had taken every precaution to fortify 
himself against surprise, and could hardly credit his 
senses when he heard that the militia which he had 
stationed to guard one of the passes, through which 
General Gray marched, had left it unprotected, by 
changing theil* post during the night without his order 
®r knowledge. 

The Marquis received the tidings of his perilous 
situation, with unshaken fortitude. A wild huzza broke 
out, all along the lines, as they witnessed the entire 
calmness with which he began to plot their deliverance 
from the perils out of which, apparently, they could be 
rescued by no human power. The three divisions of 
the British, were now moving simultaneously against 
him, able to crush him at the first onset. Still, he did 
not for a moment betray an emotion of dismay. A 
retreat was soon seen to be the only possible escape, 
and he accordingly resolved to re-cross the river by 
Matjonls Ford, though he knew that Grant with five 
thousand men had possession of the heights, command- 
ing the road. It was at this crisis that he executed 
one of those brilliant manoeuvres, for which he was 
remarkable. With the head of his column, he ad- 
vanced boldly toward Grant as if to attack him, while 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 83 

the rear, which was partially concealed by the woods, 
filed off rapidly towards the Schuylkill. Grant, natu- 
rally supposing that the whole strength of Lafayette 
was coming against him, instantly halted and prepared 
for battle. The delay was just what the hunted Mar- 
quis desired — and with unbounded joy he witnessed 
the hopeful result of his experiment. Preserving the 
most perfect order, he saw the rear of his brave regi- 
ments, gaining the point between the enemys' divi- 
sion and the stream ; and before Grant could prevent, 
or even fully comprehended the purpose, his apparently 
advancing column fell gradually back, and joined the 
retreating ranks. The whole now reached Matson's 
ford in safety ; though it must be confessed, that so 
gross negligence on the part of the British General, 
can scarcely be accounted for, except as an interposi- 
tion of Providence. A corps of cavalry had taken 
possession of a hill, from whose elevation Lafayette 
was first discovered on his retreat through the low 
woody groLHids which bordered the river. Even at 
this time, Grant might have intercepted the passage to 
the ford, but supposing that these were merely a de- 
tachment and that the main body still lay at Barren 
Hill, he persisted in his resolution of marching thither 
notwithstanding he was strongly opposed by Sir Wil- 
liam Erskine, and other Generals of his staff. Barren 
Hill was concealed from their view by intervening 
trees, and not till they had fully arrived upon the 
ground, did they find that it was abandoned. The bird 
had escaped, notwithstanding the net had been so care- 
fully set, and so warily sprung. 



84 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Still it might not be too late. A hot pursuit was 
instantly ordered by the foiled Commander, burning 
with desire to avert the dishonor which he saw would 
fall upon liis name, if his enemy were allowed thus 
easily to elude his grasp. But before he reached 
Matson's Ford, Lafayette had crossed safely the river, 
and made a stand upon the heights on the opposi* 
side. So advantageous was his position, that General 
Grant did not venture to meet him ; and overwhelmed 
with mortification, he wheeled to join the other forces, 
and return to head quarters, having accomplished 
nothing. " Finding the bird flown," says Chastelleux, 
" the English returned to Philadelphia, spent with 
fatigue and ashamed of having done nothing. The 
ladies did not see M. de Lafayette, and General Howe 
himself arrived too late for supper." 

The joy with which Lafayette was greeted at Valley 
Forge after his escape, knew no bounds. General 
Washington embraced him, and complimented him in 
the highest terms. His danger had been seen with 
glasses, and he had been w^atched with intense interest, 
till it was fully known that he had passed the Ford. 
Loud acclamations saluted him, as his gallant troops, 
with inconsiderable loss, filed into the camp ; and from 
that moment, his influence over the men he commanded 
became unlimited. He lived in their hearts, and few 
officers in the American army claimed a profounder 
admiration or warmer regard. 

Soon after this exploit Lafayette received tidings of 
the death of Henriette, his eldest, and at the time he 
left France, his only daughter. The warm emotions 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTK 85 

of affection, which a soldier's life could not chill, are 
thus expressed in an extract from a letter to his wife, 
'dated June 16th, 1778. . . " What a dreadful thing 
is absence ! I never experienced before all the horrors 
of separation. My own deep sorrow is aggravated 
by the feeling that I am not able to share and sympa- 
thize in your anguish. The length of time that had 
elapsed before I heard of this event had also increased 
my misery. Consider, my love, what a dreadful thing 
it must be to weep for what I have lost, and tremble for 
what remains. The distance between Europe and 
America appears to me more enormous than ever. 
The loss of our poor child is almost constantly in my 
thoughts. This sad news followed almost immediately 
that of the treaty, and while my heart was torn by 
grief, I was obliged to receive and take part in ex- 
pressions of public joy. 

" If the unfortunate news had reached me sooner, I 
should have set out immediately to rejoin you; — but 
the account of the treaty, which we received the first 
of May, prevented me from leaving this country. The 
opening campaign does not allow me to retire. I have 
always been perfectly convinced that by serving the 
cause of humanity and that of America, I serve also 
the interests of France." 

About this time dispatches reached Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, who by the resignation and departure for England 
of General Howe, was left Commander-in-Chief of the 
British forces, ordering him to evacuate Philadelphia. 
The assistance which France had decided to render 
America, and the naval force which was fitting out at 



86 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Toulon for this object, made Philadelphia a dangerous 
post, and induced the Ministry to withdraw the army 
from the Delaware. Washington was early apprised 
of these movements, and when on the morning of the 
18th of June, the British defiled out of the city, he 
was prepared to act accordingly. Judging that Gene- 
ral Clinton was expecting to reach New York by land, 
across the Jerseys, Washington had previously endea- 
vored to impede his way by breaking down the princi- 
pal bridges, and placing obstructions in the roads 
through which he would have to pass. At this crisis 
a council of war was held at Valley Forge, upon the 
propriety of hazarding a general engagement. A wide 
diversity of opinion prevailed. General Lee, whose 
opinion carried great weight, was vehement against 
risking either a general or partial battle. General Du 
Portail, a French officer of distinction, the Baron de 
Steuben and most of the foreign officers took the same 
ground, and maintained that an action ought to be care- 
fully avoided. A majority of the American generals 
were influenced by their counsels; and of seventeen, in 
all, only Wayne and Cadwallader were decidedly in fa- 
vor of attacking the enemy. Lafayette, however, was 
inclined to this latter opinion, but without openly avow- 
ing it; and General Greene was also disposed to ven- 
ture more than the views of the greater number would 
sanction. Washington for weighty reasons desired an 
action, but the voice of the majority prevailed, though 
»ot without evident dissatisfaction to him. 

Determining to follow the foe on their march, he left 
Valley Forge the same day that they deserted Phila- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 87 

delphia and crossing the river at Coryell's Ferry, made 
a stand at Hopewell. On the 24th of the month, ano- 
ther council of war was held at this place, in which, 
after stating the relative strength and position of the 
two armies, the Commander-in-Chief proposed the fol- 
lowing questions: 

*' Will it be advisable for us, of choice, to hazard a 
general action ? If it is, should we do it by immedi- 
ately making a general attack upon the enemy, by 
attempting a partial one, or by taking such a position, 
if it can be done, as may oblige them to attack us 1 
If it is not, what measures can be taken, with safety 
to this army, to annoy the enemy in their march 1 In 
fine, what precise line of conduct will it be advisable 
for us to pursue 1 " 

In this consultation, as in the first, Lee made a 
strenuous opposition to a general encounter. Being 
next to Washington in rank, and nK>reover a General 
of great experience, his arguments and opinions had 
much influence over the younger officers present. It 
was finally decided that an attack was not advisable, 
but that *' a detachment of fifteen hundred men be im- 
mediately sent to act, as occasion may serve, on the 
enemy's left flank and rear, in conjunction with the 
other Continental infantry and militia, who are already 
hanging about them, and that the main body preserve 
a relative position, so as to be able to act as circum- 
stances may require." This decision was little to the 
taste of Washington. Lafayette had expressed his 
opinion precisely, when in the latter council be con- 
tended " that it would be disgraceful to the officers and 



88 LIFE OF GENERAL 

humiliating for the troops, to allow the enemy to tra- 
verse the Jerseys unmolested; that without running an 
imprudent risk, the rear guard at least of the British 
might be attacked ; that it was best to follow the 
enemy, manceuvre with prudence, and take advantage 
of circumstances, even to the hazard of a general 
battle." After the decision, Lafayette and Wayne 
strongly represented to Washington the inefficiency of 
the designated force, and urged the appointment of 
additional men. As this coincided with the Comman- 
der's view, he promptly resolved to act in conformity 
therewith, and even to risk a conflict if unforseen cir- 
cumstances should not prevent. 

Washington accordingly entered upon prompt mea- 
sures. General Dickenson with the Jersey militia con- 
sisting of about one thousand men, and Maxwell with 
his brigade already hung on the enemy's left flank 
towards their rea^r. General Cadwallader with Jack- 
son's regiment were behind, while Colonel Morgan 
with his six hundred tried soldiers, was ready to har- 
ass them on their right. Fifteen hundred men ordered 
by the last council of war, had also been marched for- 
ward to the lines under command of Brigadier-General 
Scott. Firmly fixed in his purpose, to bring on an 
engagement if possible, Washington now sent Wayne 
with a further division of one thousand select troops to 
reinforce General Cadwallader. This swelled the 
continental battahons in front of the enemy to be- 
tween four and five thousand; and as the simultaneous 
action of these was of the highest importance, Wash- 
ington deemed it proper that a Major-General should 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 89 

be entrusted with their supreme command. This duty 
would naturally have fallen to Lee, but as he was to- 
tally opposed to the course taken, Lafayette went to 
Washington and offered himself to lead the attacking 
division. Washington referred him to Lee, who very 
readily assented to the offer of the Marquis, saying 
that he disapproved of the plans of the Commander-in 
Chief, that he was sure they would fail, and that he 
was willing to be relieved from any responsibility in 
carrying them into execution. Upon this, Washington 
had no hesitation in conferring the command upon La- 
fayette. It was an important post but the keen insight 
of Washington had not m^taken his man. Young as 
he was the Marquis had already inspired a confidence 
in his bravery, prudence, and skill, which was both 
flattering and merited. He was ordered to proceed 
immediately with the detachment under General Poor, 
and form a junction speedily as possible with the one 
which had just been sent forward under Scott. " You 
are to use," says Washington in his instructions, *' the 
most effectual means for gaining the enemy's left flank 
and rear, and giving them every means of annoyance. 
All continental parties, that are already on the lines, 
will be under your command, and you will take such 
measures, in concert with General Dickenson, as will 
cause the enemy the greatest impediment and loss in 
their march. For these purposes you will attack them 
as occasion may require by detachment, and, if a proper 
opening should be given, by operating against them 
with the whole force of your command. You will na- 
turally take such precautions as will secure you against 



90 LIFE OF GENERAL 

surprise, and maintain your communication with this 
army." But no sooner had Lafayette left than Lee 
began to repent of having declined the commission. 
He wrote to Washington setting forth his changed 
views, and soliciting in the most urgent manner that 
he might yet be entrusted with the appointment. Here 
was a new difficulty. Washington had already given it 
to Lafayette, and he could not recall it without danger 
of offending him; and he could not refuse the present en- 
treaty of Lee without giving umbrage to that General. 
There was, however, an obvious impropriety in with- 
drawing the command so soon, and this was accor- 
dingly represented to Lee. He then appealed to La- 
fayette. He told him of the position in which he was 
placed, and of the partial glance which he had bestowed 
on the subject, when he declined. Lee evidently saw 
that his reputation might be impaired when his op- 
position to the action would be connected with the 
fact that he afterwards refused to take the command 
of a strong division which, it was expected would 
meet and engage the rear of the enemy. " My for- 
tune and honor," he wrote to Lafayette, " are placed 
in your hands; — you are too generous to cause the 
loss of both." Lafayette was pleased with the post, 
and was at first unwilling to relinquish it. But the 
repeated entreaties of Lee, and his appeals to his 
generosity and magnanimity, at length gained the 
point, and he wrote to Washington, assuring him that 
if it was believed necessary or useful to the good of 
the service and the honor of General Lee, to send him 
down with a couple of thousand men, or any greater 
force, he would cheerfully obey and serve him, not 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 01 

only out of duty, but out of the respect he owed to 
that officer's character. Upon the receipt of this letter 
Washington wrote to Lee offering an expedient which 
he deemed would be satisfactory to both. He pro- 
posed that General Lee should march at the head of 
two brigades to support the Marquis at Englishtown, 
where as senior officer, he would have the direction of 
the whole front section, which after he had joined it, 
would amount to over five thousand men. It was, 
however, expressly stipulated, that if any enterprise 
had been already formed by Lafayette, it should go 
forward the same as if no change were made. To 
this condition Lee readily acceded, and Washington 
thereupon wrote to Lafayette as follows : — " General 
Lee's uneasiness on account of yesterday's transaction, 
rather increasing than abating, and your poKteness in 
wishing to ease him of it, have induced me to detach 
him from this army with a part of it, to reinforce, or 
at least cover the several detachments at present under 
your command. At the same time that I felt for Gene- 
ral Lee's distress of mind, I have had an eye to your 
wishes, and the delicacy of your situation ; and have 
therefore obtained a promise from him, that, when he 
gives you notice of his approach and command, he will 
request you to prosecute any plan you may have 
already concerted for the purpose of attacking, or 
otherwise annoying the enemy. This is the only expe- 
dient I could think of to answer the views of both. 
General Lee seems satisfied with the measure, and I 
wish it may prove agreeable to you, as I am, with the 

7 



92 LIFE OF GEISTERAL 

warmest wishes for your honor and glory, and with 
the sincerest esteem and affection, yours, &c." 

Sir Henry Clinton, who was not unapprised of these 
designs against him, had taken. a strong post on the 
heights of Freehold, near Monmouth. Washington 
saw th-at this was unassailable, and, aware that if the 
British were allowed to proceed twelve miles, till 
they should gain the heights of Middletown, they 
would be perfectly secure, he gave orders to General 
Lee to attack the British rear as soon as it should 
move from its present ground. 

Morning broke of the 28th of June, 1778. Wash- 
ington was in his saddle at five in the morning, listen- 
ing to the intelligence just received from General 
Dickenson, that the front of the enemy was in mo- 
tion. '* To arms !" was sounded along the American 
ranks ; and the order was instantly dispatched to 
General Lee to advance upon the enemy, ''unless 
there should be powerful reasons to the contrary." 
He was at the same time informed that Washington 
with the rear division of the American force, would 
be on the way to support him. Washington, with 
his usual decision, had thus prepared for combat, con- 
trary to the opinion of Lee and that of the officers 
generally. The orders sent to Lee were prompt and 
urgent ; and though his judgment demurred, now that 
they were given, it only remained for him to execute 
them. His first movements were those of ready obe- 
dience. Appearing upon the heights of Freehold soon 
after Lord Cornwallis had left them, he followed the 



MARQUIS BE LAFAYETTE. 93 

enemy into the plain and made immediate disposition 
for the onset. Hitherto his tactics had been marked 
with skill and caution, but here he seemed to lose all 
prudence. He ordered Lafayette to a station where 
he was subjected to the galling fire of the English 
artillery without any prospect of good, while he him- 
self, stood apparently uncertain what course to pursue. 
The Marquis was soon forced to retire, but nothing 
daunted, he waited a more favorable field for heroism. 
A fair opportunity seemed to offer itself, and, full of 
energy and enthusiasm, he rode up to Lee and soKcited 
permission to avail himself of it. " Sir," said Lee, 
" you do not know British soldiers ; — we cannot 
stand against them ; — we shall certainly be driven 
back at first, and we must be cautious." This was 
far from suiting the fiery nature of the Marquis, and 
he answered with as much spirit as was becoming, 
that British soldiers had been beaten, and, it was to 
be presumed, they might be beaten again. At this 
crisis began the strangest act in that day's drama, 
Lee was supported by five thousand men, all panting 
for the conflict, and though he knew he could trust 
in their bravery to an unlimited extent ; — that Wash- 
ington who earnestly desired battle was already bring- 
ing forward the whole army to his support, yet after 
the slightest skirmishing, before any advantage had 
been gained on either side, he ordered a retreat. La- 
fayette was enraged but could not disobey. He 
instantly dispatched a messenger to Washington, in- 
forming him of the state of affairs, and earnestly be- 
seeching him to hasten to the scene of retreat ; who 



94 LIFE OF GEOTIIIAL 

saw the condition of things at a glance, and instantly 
rode forward. He was not, however, prepared for 
the whole scene. Every where there was the appear- 
ance of disorder and confusion. General Dickenson, 
with his division of militia on the left flank of the 
British, had been utterly routed, and was flying over 
the plain in dismay, with no effort from Lee to check 
the retreat. Lafayette seemed every w^here present 
among the troops, and as he could not prevent flight, 
he struggled nobly to save the army from a total rout. 
Lee had ordered back the whole force under his com- 
mand, and Washington gave utterance to a storm of 
indignation, when he met them fleeing before the 
enemy, without having made an endeavor to maintain 
their ground. Riding up to General Lee, he accosted 
that oflficer in tones of cutting severity and disapproba- 
tion ; and then set himself with a superhuman activity 
at work, to retrieve the disasters of the morning. A 
look at his calm, majestic figure, at this moment, 
sitting upon his white horse, covered with dust and 
foam, and casting his eagle eye over the field where 
almost beneath the banners of the exulting foe, the 
regiments were retreating, sent a thrill of returning 
hope, like an electric current, along the broken ranks. 
A new courage rose throughout the smitten host when 
they found the Commander-in-Chief was present to 
guide the terrible strife, the rest of that fatal day. 
*^ Never," said Lafayette to Marshal — ^' never was 
General Washington greater in war than in this action. 
His presence stopped the retreat. His dispositions 
fixed the victory. His fine appearance on horseback, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 95 

his calm courage roused by the animation produced by 
the vexation of the morning, gave him the air best cal- 
culated to excite enthusiasm." The day was oppres- 
sively sultry, and the heat was at 96 deg. Fahrenheit. 
Not a breath of air lifted the drooping colors, or 
stirred the plumes around the throbbing temples of the 
soldiers, while the charge was sounded, and the flying 
companies wheeled to face the deadly sweep of their 
pursuers. Order began to smile upon the chaos of the 
continental brigades, and " Long live Washington /" 
was heard above the thunder of artillery, repeated by 
unnumbered lips parched with thirst, and pallid with 
weariness. That single man, by the quiet might of his 
splendid genius, turned back the tide of war upon the 
enemy with astonishing haste, and under a wasting 
fire. His white charger amid the deepening smoke 
of battle, was like the shining cross to the crusaders, 
when Jerus|ilem lay at their feet, and they were sink- 
ing beneath the fierce and vastly outnumbering foe. 
The columns pressed steadily up to the blaze of can- 
non; and many a brave fellow fell unpierced by the 
hail of death, gasping for water, and yet struggling to 
follow his leader back to the scene of carnage. The 
entire aspect of that field was now changed. Colonel 
Stewart and Lieutenant Colonel Ramsay, were sent 
with their regiments to an important point on the left, 
to sustain the shock of the advancing enemy there. 
liCe, with the remainder of the force, was directed to 
command the front, arrayed again for the furious onset, 
while Washington galloped away to bring his own di- 
vision up to the desperate encounter. Lee, stung with 



96 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the reproaches of his General, naturally extremely sen- 
sitive in regard to his honor, was fully aroused to wipe 
off the morning's disgrace. He could fight with unri- 
valed courage, if he willed, and was indeed a brave offi- 
cer. He dashed into the contest with bitter determi- 
nation, and though compelled to yield, he retired in 
fine order and with courageous resistance to the last. 
Washington soon appeared, and then followed the wild 
uproar and falling ranks of wide and sanguinary battle. 
Each army poured into the bosom of the other a tem- 
pest of bullets, while the batteries grew hot from rapid 
discharges, which opened a momentary gape through 
living men; and upon all beat the scorching sun of that 
Sabbath day. General Greene commanded the right 
wing of the first fine. Lord Sterling the left, and La- 
fayette led on the second line. The impetuous charge 
forced the British back in front, and, attempting to turn 
on the left, were here also repulsed. Wheeling to the 
right. Sir Henry Clinton now bore down upon General 
Greene, who met the attack as a rock flings back the 
wave. He had sent a body of troops with artillery to 
a commanding elevation, which now operated with so 
much effect, that he not only foiled the present attempt 
of CHnton, but completely enfiladed the division which 
yet remained in front of the left wing. Sir Henry 
had, therefore, no resort but to withdraw behind a 
marshy ravine, on the ground which he had occupied 
before the commencement of the battle. Arrange- 
ments were immediately made for attacking him there, 
but the excessive heat, the fatigue of the soldiers, and 
the approach of night, dissuaded Washington, and he 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 97 

accordingly issued his orders to desist. Lafayette had 
been in his saddle and incessantly active since four in 
the morning, displaying the utmost coolness, and sha- 
ring every vt^here in the toils and dangers of the day. 
Nothing could intimidate him, nothing appeared to 
weary him; but with a bearing ever high and heroic, 
he passed unscathed amid the rage of that battle-storm. 
*' I have been charmed," said an officer under his im- 
mediate command, " with the blooming gallantry, and 
sagacity, of the Marquis de Lafayette, who appears to 
be possessed of every requisite to constitute a great 
General." This praise of his prudence, and skill, and 
courage, was universal in the army. 

An incident of this battle connected with Lafayette 
is found in the '' Historical Anecdotes of the reign of 
Louis XVL" It is related as follows; — '* During the 
American War, a General officer, in the service of the 
United States, advanced, v/ith a score of men, under 
the English batteries, to reconnoitre their position. 
His aid-de-camp, struck by a ball, fell at his side while 
the officers and orderly dragoons fled precipitately. 
The General, though under the fire of the cannon, ap- 
proached the wounded man to see whether he had 
any signs of life remaining, or whether any assistance 
could be afforded him. Finding the wound had been 
mortal, he turned his eyes away with emotion, and 
slowly rejoined the group which had got out of the 
reach of the pieces. This instance of courage and hu- 
manity took place at the battle of Monmouth. Gene- 
ral Clinton, who commanded the English troops, knew 
that the Marquis de Lafayette generally rode a white 



98 LIFE OF GENERAL 

horse; — and it was upon a white horse that the Gene- 
ral officer, who retired so slowly, was mounted. Sir 
Henry Clinton, therefore, commanded the gunners not 
to fire. This noble forbearance probably saved Gene- 
ral Lafayette's life, for it was he himself. At that time 
he was but twenty-two years of age." Such was the 
battle of Monmouth. 

Washington and Lafayette passed the night upon 
the field of strife, in the folds of the same mantle, 
worn by the former. In the morning when they arose, 
the enemy had departed. At midnight they had left 
their camp and fled with such secrecy that no knowl- 
edge of the fact was communicated to the Americans 
till day-break, by which time they were beyond the 
reach of their disappointed enemy. Washington, 
though he had hoped for a renewal of the engagement, 
saw the folly of pursuit, and quietly allowed his army 
to rest upon the field. 

On the 7th of July the French force, which La- 
fayette had so anxiously solicited, arrived off* the Capes 
of Delaware. It consisted of twelve ships of the line 
and six frigates, having on board a respectable body of 
land forces, and was commanded bv the Count d' Es- 
taing, a French nobleman of some distinction. He 
had sailed from Toulon on the 13th of April and made 
his point of destination the Delaware, hoping to find 
the British fleet in that river, and their army in Phila- 
delphia. Adverse winds had, however, protracted his 
voyage across the Atlantic, till the English fleet and 
army, warned of his approach, had made good their 
escape. Upon learning this, the next plan of d' Es- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 99 

taing was to make an attack upon New York, but this 
he was induced to abandon by the representations of 
the pilots, that it would be impossible to pass the bar 
at Sandy Hook, with his heavy ships. A combined en- 
terprise against the enemy at Rhode Island, was next 
planned. D'Estaing sailed for Newport, and Lafayette 
with two brigades was to join at Providence General 
Sullivan, who commanded the American forces in 
Rhode Island. 

The prospects of the Revolutionary arms were again 
bright. All over the land rang the shouts of enthusi- 
astic welcome, to the forces sent by a monarch to cheer 
and sustain the suffering cohort of freedom. Adula- 
tion and praise were lavished upon them from every 
quarter, and in many bosoms joy succeeded the sad- 
ness of deep despondency. The Count came to anchor 
off Newport on the 25th of July. His earnest man- 
ner of proceeding increased the universal gladness, 
which his arrival awakened, and he seemed inclined to 
throw his whole strength into the struggle, and ready 
to carry forward any project that energy and wisdom 
could suggest. 

The character of Count d'Estaing has been mis- 
represented, and perhaps hardly understood. "VVe 
shall endeavor to unfold it somewhat particularly, in 
our account of succeeding transactions. 

On the 21st of July, Lafayette with two brigades 
was ordered to join General Sullivan at Providence. 
Before arriving there, the French fleet had appeared 
at Newport, and impatient of delay, d' Estaing imme- 
diately concerted with Sullivan, the course of action. 



lOOj LIFE OF GENERAL 

without waiting for the reinforcements. The Count 
was all ardor, and with Gallic zeal in haste for the 
contest. We apprehend that the only law of his char- 
acter which offers to us a satisfactory solution to the 
problem of his after history, is found in his ardent na- 
ture and consequent restiveness under restraint. His 
long passage, while it had soured his temper, had also 
strongly increased his desire for a signal achievement, 
now that he had arrived on the field of display. The 
delay of the expected force, though unavoidable, offered 
a temporary barrier to his progress, and was exceed- 
ingly displeasing to him. A plan was, however, agreed 
upon, which promised important results in future 
success. As soon as Lafayette and his division 
were there, its execution was immediately determined 
upon. The British with a force 6,000 strong, occupied 
Newport, and this stronghold became the grand ob- 
ject of the allies. Here was the arena of conflict. 
Towards Narragansett Bay were turned the anxious 
eyes of friends and foes of American liberty. Wash- 
ington, at White Plains, having sent out an additional 
force, waited with solicitude for the issue; while the 
EngHsh Admiral closely followed the fleet, to that port. 
General Pigot, who commanded the troops in Rhode 
Island, was regarded as a doomed man, when the de- 
signs against him were disclosed. Completely en- 
circled by enemies, an easy overthrow was apparent, 
yet he was not disposed to submit without resistance. 
Withdrawing the men w^hich had been stationed on the 
north end of the island into the Hues at Newport, he 
fortified himself for the expected attack. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 101 

When he heard of this, General Sullivan resolved to 
take immediate possession of the w^orks which the 
British had just abandoned, and on the 9th of August 
he crossed over the Sea-connet passage, and landed on 
the north end of Rhode Island.* This movement 
though perfectly just in itself, M^as yet the source of 
much subsequent difficulty. The Count d'Estaing v^as 
a Lieutenant-General at home, and as such, held a 
higher rank than Sullivan, who was only a Major-Gene- 
ral. Difficulties on subjects of mere punctilio, to avoid 
which, Washington advised SulHvan to take every pre- 
caution, had previously arisen between them, although 
neither had given intimations of resentment. His 
crossing over from the main land before the time 
agreed upon for the joint attack, and without having 
communicated his purpose to d' Estaing was immedi- 
ately regarded disrespectful by him, who expressed 
his suspicion that the measure was taken with other 
motives than those assigned. A letter from Sullivan 
in vindication of himself, he refused to answer, and a 
day that ought to have been devoted to action, was 
spent in fruitless discussion and recriminations. 

Towards evening of the same day, the English fleet 
which had been dispatched from New York for the 
succor of General Pigot hove in sight. A change at 
once came over Count d'Estaing. His imperious bear- 
ing softened, and the next morning, with favorable 



*This, of course, will be understood as Rhode Island proper. The 
term was first given to this island upon which Newport is situated, 
and afterwards apph'^d to the State. 



102 LIFE OF GENERAL 

breeze he determined to stand out to sea and give 
battle, at the same time assuring Sullivan that on his 
return, he would co-operate with him. This purpose 
displayed a great want of the highest qualities of a 
military leader. Every thing was ready for the at- 
tack upon Newport, and an energetic prosecution of 
it, was now only necessary for success. The British 
Admiral, soon as he saw the strength and position of 
the French fleet, despaired of rescuing the town, but 
dropped anchor to take advantage of any accidental 
circumstance which might arise. To throw away this 
advantage for the sake of entering upon what was at 
best a doubtful adventure, was the height of folly. 
Still, we are not inclined to blame d' Estaing to the 
extent many have done. It was folly^ and not cow- 
ardice, or want of interest in the cause to which he 
was allied. He was enthusiastic and impatient, and that 
these traits blinded him is evident, from his previous and 
after history. He fancied, and doubtless sincerely, 
that he could make a brilliant coup de main, by dis- 
persing the hostile fleet, and afterwards return to cap- 
ture the city. 

Sullivan's army amounted to ten thousand men, and 
a council of war was called in which an immediate 
battle was proposed. Notwithstanding the departure 
of d'Estaing, it was urged that the American force 
was sufficient for the emergency, which demanded the 
trial. Lafayette alone dissented. He admitted the 
favorable views expressed, but objected to the com- 
mencement of operations, before the return of d'Es- 
taing. He urged that the Admiral had already felt 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 103 

himself aggrieved, and that his feeling would be revived 
with keener edge if they advanced upon the enemy 
before his return, and without his co-operation. His 
advice, therefore, was, that they should take a position 
near Newport till the Count should be ready to act 
with them. Time, however, was of so much impor- 
tance to a body of troops organized as the continental 
army was, that the opposite counsels prevailed, and it 
was decided to open the trenches and begin the siege 
without delay. 

Preparations, therefore, went briskly forward. Fifty 
rounds of ammunition were distributed to each soldier, 
and through all the ranks were heard the busy notes 
of preparation for the contest. But, suddenly, while 
the stirring pageant of war was moving to the mea- 
sures of death's music, the moan of a coming tempest 
was heard above the tumult of the tented plain. The 
breeze increased to a gale ; the black clouds rose above 
the horizon, and rushed across the heavens, till twilight 
was the illumination of noon-day. There was a pause 
throughout the camp, and impatient waiting for a calm. 
But, hour after hour, the tempest increased in fury, the 
sky blackened, and the winds howled, mingling in 
wildest chaos the lighter materials of a military cam- 
paign ; and at length, rending the curtains of the tents, 
scattered them like autumnal leaves. The rain de- 
scended in sheets, deluging the men, amunition and 
arms. A wilder scene can scarcely be imagined. 
Over the wide field, were files of soldiers shelterless in 
the storm, around them the ruins of their white dwel- 
lings ; officers standing with drooping plumes, and their 



104 LIFE OF GENERAL 

horses bracing in terror to meet the now pauseless hur- 
ricane that raged on ; while artillery and magazines 
were exposed to the unsparing elements, whose battle 
made the hero of the sanguinary conflict shrink with 
terror. Several perished during this tempest, which 
continued for three days with unexampled severity. 

As soon as the storm was over, and order could be 
restored, the siege was opened. This was on the 15th 
of August ; and for several days the work was vigor- 
ously prosecuted. The two fleets had safled out of 
sight, and as no news was heard from either of them, 
the anxiety of the Americans became intense. Their 
situation was, moreover, becoming critical, since, in 
the absence of their allies, new regiments might with- 
out interruption be thrown into Newport, and not only 
defeat the enterprise, but render retreat hazardous. 
The re-appearance of d'Estaing on the morning of the 
19th, was hailed with pecuHar joy. After a day 
or two spent in manoeuvering, he was upon the point 
of engaging with his rival, when the same storm which 
had made the terrible havoc on shore, swept the ship- 
ping and instantly dispersed the vessels, leaving them 
at the end of forty-eight hours, totally unfit for action. 
The British fleet sailed back to New York. The hopes 
excited by the return of d'Estaing were soon to be 
most lamentably dispelled. He wrote to SulHvan, 
stating that in pursuance of the orders of his King, and 
the advice of all his officers, he was about to sail for 
Boston to repair the damage done by the tempest. 
His instructions were to repair to Boston if any acci- 
dent should happen to his fleet, or a superior British 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 105 

force should appear off the coast. This design ex- 
cited universal indignation in the camp. The accents 
of applause which had greeted the arrival of d'Estaing 
were at once exchanged for bitter execrations ; and 
through the army ran the murmur of disapprobation. 
With the fleet, they had calculated with confidence on 
a brilliant termination of the expedition ; without it, 
their efforts were useless. Sullivan was in despair, 
though he could hardly believe that the Count would 
desert them in a moment so critical, did he understand 
the precise nature of their situation. Generals Greene 
and Lafayette were accordingly dispatched with a 
letter, and directed to use their utmost efforts to induce 
him to reconsider. '^ They represented to him the cer- 
tainty of carrying the garrison if he would co-operate 
with them only two days, urged the impolicy of ex- 
posing the fleet at sea, in its present condition, repre- 
sented the port of Boston as equally insecure with that 
of Newport, and added that the expedition had been 
undertaken on condition that the French fleet and army 
should co-operate with them ; — that, confiding in this 
co-operation, they had brought stores into the island to 
a great amount, and that to abandon the enterprise in 
the present state of things, would be a reproach and a 
disgrace to their arms. To be deserted at such a criti- 
cal moment, would have a pernicious influence on the 
American people, and would furnish their domestic 
foes, as well as the common enemy, with the means of 
animadverting severely on their prospects from an alli- 
ance with those who could abandon them, under cir- 
cumstances such as the present. They concluded with 



106 LIFE OF GENERAL 

wishing that the utmost harmony and confidence might 
subsist between the two nations, and especially be- 
tween their officers ; — and entreated the Admiral, if 
any personal indiscretions had appeared in conducting 
the expedition, not to permit them to prejudice the 
common cause." These points and others were pre- 
sented and pressed with the earnestness of pleading 
necessity. The Marquis, especially, besought him on 
his honor as a Frenchman and as a man, not to aban- 
don the cause he had espoused, in such hazardous ex- 
treme. It was, however, in vain ; the Count positively 
refused to listen. We cannot agree with those who 
represent d'Estaing as impelled to his singular course 
through pique at Sullivan, lor acting without consulta- 
tion with himself. This idea appears absurd. D'Es- 
taing himself would have coveted the renown attend- 
ing the capture of Newport, and would eagerly have 
joined the American forces in attempting it, had no 
other reason interfered. Lafayette was doubtless right 
in his conjecture. D'Estaing was properly a land offi- 
cer, and his naval subordinates were dissatisfied with 
his appointment. The Marquis saw that they were his 
enemies and determined to thwart any plan which 
would give him a famous exploit. Hence, he supposes, 
and with great probabiHty, that, appealing to the strict 
letter of the Count's instructions, they unanimously op- 
posed deviation from them. Whatever might have 
been his own preference, he could not disregard both 
of these claims, and was consequently driven to the al- 
ternative which was taken. Nor can we doubt that 
his own desire was to remain. General Greene was 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 107 

of this opinion. Upon the return of the latter with 
Lafayette, Sullivan determined to make one more 
effort to secure the Admiral's aid. In this, his solicitude 
blinded his judgment. A protest containing expres- 
sions which he ought to have known would be offen- 
sive, was signed by the officers except Lafayette,* and 
dispatched with a letter, beseeching him to change his 
plans. D'Estaing was, of course, highly incensed by 
the protest, and sailed directly for Boston. 

Sullivan, now thrown upon his own resources, called 
a council of war and proposed an assault upon the gar- 
rison, provided five thousand men who had seen nine 
months' service could be obtained. The militia were, 
however, so discouraged by the departure of the fleet, 
that the number could not be procured. They had be- 
gun to desert, and in a few days the army w^as reduced 
to only five thousand. It was determined to break up 
their fortifications, and await the result of another en 
deavor to prevail upon d'Estaing to hasten back. La- 
fayette used all his tact and persuasion to remove the 
prejudice against the French alliance, caused by the 
desertion of d'Estaing. His unbounded popularity 
gave him favor every where, and words of conciliation 
were received from him with deference, which would 
have been rejected with contempt from another source. 
Perhaps nowhere does his devotion to the Colonies 
shine more purely than in these transactions. The 
French officers, besides him, were generally inclined to 
take part with their countrymen, and were incensed 
by the reproaches of the continental troops. Lafayette 

was unwearied as a peace-maker between the two. 
8 



108 LIFE OF GENERAL 

He poured oil upon the troubled waters of discontent, 
soothing one party and softening the asperity of the 
other, in his mediation to bring union and harmony 
again. He was the sun shining through the ongry 
storm, and dropping the rain-bow of peace upon its 
threatening brow. After the army had been drawn 
off to the north part of the island, Lafayette advised a 
farther retreat to the main land. This being delayed, 
he was sent to Boston, to make the desired reconcilia- 
tion and co-operation with d'Estaing. Absorbed with 
his mission, traveling all night, he arrived just in time 
to see the corps of officers enter the city to attend a 
public dinner, which had been tendered them by the 
civil and military authorities there. After the festival, 
a council was held, in which Lafayette proposed his 
object, and brought all his influence to restore the 
friendly relations so seriously interrupted. He was 
eminently successful, and d'Estaing, after assuring the 
Marquis of the crippled condition of his fleet, ofl^ered 
to march in person with his troops to Newport. But 
before this arrangement could be made, Lafayette 
received intelligence that Sir Henry Clinton had ar- 
rived at Newport, and the Amei'ican army was flying 
before the enemy. Here was action^ and without a 
moment's delay, he started for the scene. He traveled 
the whole distance, (eighty miles,) in less than eight 
hours, and arrived at Howland's Ferry on the Sea- 
connet passage, just as the troops were crossing it. 
One moment was spent in a rapid survey, and then 
he threw himself into the arena of danger and of 
glory. His post was chosen when he perceived the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 109 

rear guard, composed of a thousand men, still upon 
the island and surrounded. He placed himself at their 
head, and his clear voice of command rising above 
the roar of conflict, made the hearts of that despairing 
band leap with hope and courage. SulHvan had con- 
ducted the affair vi^ith great skill; and with one of 
his magical strokes, Lafayette turned the tide of pur- 
suit, while his ranks poured down in regular files to 
the Ferry, and passed safely over amid the acclama- 
tions of their comrades upon the opposite shore. 
Not a man was lost. Thus closed the expedition 
against Newport. It was undertaken with unusual 
promise, and its unsuccessful close produced a pro- 
portionate chagrin. The cause of the failure was 
charged entirely upon d'Estaing throughout the coun- 
try, and has been reiterated by succeeding historians, 
who have accused him of want of fidelity to the 
American Flag. We have endeavored to give a 
faithful and fair narration, from which the reader 
can draw his own inferences. Our own opinion is, 
that the accusation has no foundation whatever. 
Congress passed a resolution expressing their appro- 
bation of the Count's conduct, and directed the Presi- 
dent to assure him that they entertained the highest 
sense of his zeal and attachment. 

The conduct of Lafayette met with universal praise. 
He received many testimonials of approbation, but 
none more welcome than the following Resolution 
passed by Congress on the 9th of September : 

"Resolved, That Mr. President be requested to 
inform the Marquis de Lafayette, that Congress have 



110 'ilFE OF GENERAL 

a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his personal 
feehngs in undertaking a journey to Boston, with a 
view of promoting the interest of these States, at a 
time when an occasion was daily expected of his ac- 
quiring glory in the field, and that his gallantry in 
going on Rhode Island, when the greatest part of the 
army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing 
off* the pickets and out sentinels, deserve their particu- 
lar approbation." Mr. Laurens, who was then Presi- 
dent of Congress, accompanied this resolution with the 
following letter : 

"Philadelphia, Sept, 13, 1778. 
" Sir, — I experience a high degree of satisfaction in 
fulfilling the instructions embraced in the enclosed act 
of Congress of the ninth instant, which expresses the 
sentiments of the representatives of the United States 
of America, relative to your excellent conduct during 
the expedition recently undertaken against Rhode 
Island. Receive, Sir, this testimonial on the part of 
Congress as a tribute of respect and gratitude, offered 
to you by a free people. 

" I have the honor to be with very great respect and 
esteem. Sir, your obedient and most humble servant, 

" Henry Laurens, President^ 
Lafayette replied as follows : 

" Camp, Sept. 23, 1778. 
"Sir, — I have just received the letter of the 13th 
instant with which you have favored me, and in which 
you communicate the honor which Congress has been 
pleased to confer by the adoption of its flattering resolu- 
tion. Whatever sentiments of pride may be reason- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. Ill 

ably excited by such marks of approbation, I am not 
the less sensible of the feelings of gratitude, nor of the 
satisfaction of believing that my efforts have, in some 
measure, been considered as useful to a cause in which 
my heart is so deeply interested. Have the goodness, 
Sir, to present to Congress my unfeigned and humble 
thanks, springing from the bottom of my heart, and 
accompanied with the assurances of my sincere and 
perfect attachment, as the only homage worthy of 
being offered to the representatives of a free people. 

" From the moment that I first heard the name of 
America, I loved her ; — from the moment that I 
learned her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed with 
the desire of shedding my blood in her cause ; and the 
moments that may be expended in her service, when- 
ever they may occur, or in whatever part of the world 
I may be, shall be considered as the happiest of my 
existence. I feel more ardently than ever, the desire 
of deserving the obliging sentiments with which I am 
honored by the United States, and by their representa- 
tives, and the flattering confidence which they have 
been pleased to repose in me, has filled my heart with 
the liveliest gratitude and most lasting affection." 

After the retreat, Lafayette was entrusted by Sulli- 
van with the care of Warren, Bristol, and the eastern 
shore of Rhode Island, From the camp he writes to 
Washington. " I am to defend a country with a very 
few troops, who are not able to defend more than a 
single point. I cannot answer that the enemy will not 
go and do what they please — for I am not able to pre- 
vent them — with only a part of their army, and jet 



113 LIFE OF GEJ^ERAL 

this part must not land far from me ; but I answer, 
that if they come with equal or not very superior forces 
to those I may collect, we shall flog them pretty well ; 
at least I hope so. My situation appears to be uncer- 
tain, for we expect soon to hear from your excellency. 
. . . You know Mr. Touzard, a gentleman of my 
family — he met with a terrible accident in the last 
action. With the greatest excess of bravery, he ran 
before all the others to take a piece of cannon in the 
midst of the enemy, when he was immediately covered 
with their shots, had his horse killed, and his right arm 
shattered to pieces. He was happy enough not to fall 
into their hands, and his life is not despaired off. Con- 
gress was going to send him a commission of Major. 

*' Give me joy, my dear General, I intend to have your 
picture. Mr. Hancock has promised me a copy of the 
one he has in Boston. He gave one to Count d' Estaing, 
and I never saw a man so glad at possessing his sweet- 
heart's picturd as the Admiral was to receive yours.'' 

The reply of Washington is interesting and we ex- 
tract the following. " The sentiments of affection and 
attachment which breathe so conspicuously in all your 
letters to me, are at once pleasing and honorable, and 
afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness 
of my acquaintance with you. Your love of liberty, 
the just sense you entertain of this valuable blessing, 
and your noble and disinterested exertions in the cause 
of it, added to the innate goodness of your heart, con- 
spire to render you dear to me; — and I think myself 
happy in being linked with you in bonds of the strictest 
friendship. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 113 

*' The ardent zeal which you have displayed during 
the whole course of the campaign to the eastward, and 
your endeavors to cherish harmony among the officers 
of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfavorable 
impressions which had begun to take place in the 
minds of the unthinking, from misfortunes, which the 
utmost stretch of human foresight could not avert, de- 
served, and now receive, my particular and warmest 
thanks. I am sorry for Mons. Touzard's loss of an 
arm in the action on Rhode Island; — and ofler my 
thanks to him, through you, for his gallant behavior on 
that day. 

*' Could I have conceived that my picture had been 
an object of your wishes, or in the smallest degree 
worthy of your attention, I should, while Mr. Peale 
was in the camp at Valley Forge, have got him to take 
the best portrait of me he could, and presented it to 
you; — but I really had not so good an opinion of my 
own worth, as to suppose that such a compHment 
would not have been considered as a greater instance 
of my vanity, than means of your gratification; and, 
therefore, when you requested me to sit to Monsieur 
Lanfang, I thought it was only to obtain the outlines 
and a few shades of my features, to have some prints 
struck from." 

Lafayette's position at Bristol was ill-suited to his 
nature. He had, indeed, to be incessantly engaged, 
but it was not the kind of activity he liked. To de 
fend himself and the surrounding country from the 
marauding attacks of British squadrons, was not 
enough for him. His force did not allow him to make 



114 LIFE OF GENERAL 

a heavy blow, and skirmishes, which could give no ad- 
vantage to either side, were uninviting. News reached 
him of important transactions in France which re- 
kindled his flagging excitement. Advices from the Duke 
d' Ayen, his father-in-law, apprised him that the min« 
istry were planning a descent upon England; and cre- 
ated an intense desire to revisit his country. '' My great 
object in wishing to return," he writes d' Ayen, *• is 
the idea of a descent upon England. I should consider 
myself as almost dishonored, if I were not present at 
such a moment. I should feel so much regret and 
shame, that I should be tempted to drown or hang 
myself according to the Enghsh mode. My greatest 
happiness would be to drive them from this country, 
and then to repair to England, serving under your 
command. This is a very delightful project; — God 
grant it may be realized." Other causes conspired to 
foster his intention. The difficulties here were exciting, 
and he feared the influence of the exaggerated reports 
which might reach the French court. He wished, 
moreover, to see the alliance placed upon a firmer 
basis, and believed that his influence would be conducive 
to this consummation. His heart too, throbbed with a 
gentler sympathy as he thought of his wife and child, 
and distant home. A hasty visit to d' Estaing at Bos- 
ton, settled his purpose; for he there saw that there 
were weighty matters affecting the interests of both 
nations which he could best lay before the ministry in 
person. Returning to Bristol he solicited permission 
to visit the Commander-in-Chief at Head Quarters, to 
consult with him respecting his intended absence. Per- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 115 

mission was accordingly granted, and Lafayette re- 
paired to his revered friend at Fishkill. Washington, 
from motives of unfeigned friendship, as w^ell as from a 
regard to his country's good, was very desirous of pre- 
serving Lafayette's connection with the army, and ac- 
cordingly, while he made no objections to his departure, 
advised him to solicit from Congress an unlimited leave 
of absence, rather than to present his resignation. 
The following letter upon the subject was written to 
the President of Congress. 

*' Head Quarters, October 6, 1778. 

*'SiR, — This letter will be presented to you by Major 
General Lafayette. The generous motives which 
formerly induced him to cross the ocean, and serve 
in the armies of the United States, are known to 
Congress. The same praise-worthy reasons now urge 
him to return to his native country, which, under 
existing circumstances, has a claim to his services. 

" However anxious he was to fulfill the duty which 
he owes to his King and country, that powerful con- 
sideration could not induce him to leave this conti- 
nent, while the fate of the campaign remains unde- 
cided. He is, therefore, determined to remain until 
the termination of the present campaign, and takes 
advantage of the present cessation from hostilities to 
communicate his designs to Congress, so that the 
necessary arrangements may be made at a convenient 
season, while he is at hand, if occasion should offer, 
to distinguish himself in the army. 

" At the same time, the Marquis, being desirous 
of preserving his connection with this country, and 



316 LIFE OF GENERAL 

hoping that he may enjoy opportunities of being use- 
ful to it, as an American officer, only solicits leave 
of absence, for the purpose of embracing the views 
which have been already suggested. The pain which 
it costs me to separate from an officer who possesses 
all the military fire of youth, with a rare maturity 
of judgment, would lead me, if the choice depended 
on my wishes, to place his absence on the footing 
which he proposes. I shall always esteem it a plea- 
sure to be able to give those testimonials of his ser- 
vice to which they are entitled, from the bravery 
and conduct which have distinguished him on every 
occasion ; — and I do not doubt that Congress will, 
in a proper manner, express how sensibly they appre- 
ciate his merits, and how much they regret his de- 
parture. I have the honor to be, &c. 

" George Washington." 

Bearing this letter, Lafayette proceeded to Phila- 
delphia, whence he addressed the following to the 
President of Congress : 

" Philadelphia, October 13, 1778. 

" Sir, — However attentive I ought to be not to 
employ the precious moments of Congress in the con- 
sideration of private affairs, I beg leave, with that 
confidence which naturally springs from affection and 
gratitude, to unfold to them the circumstances in which 
1 am, at present, situated. It is impossible to speak 
more appropriately of the sentiments which attach me 
to my own country, than in the presence of citizens 
who have done so much for their own. So long as I 
have had the power of regulating my own actions, it 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 117 

has been my pride and pleasure to fight beneath the 
banners of America, in the defence of a cause, which I 
may dare more particularly to call ours, as I have shed 
my blood in its support. 

" Now, Sir, that France is engaged in war, I am 
urged, both by duty and patriotism, to present myself 
before my sovereign, to know in what manner he may 
be pleased to employ my services. The most pleasing 
service that I can render, will be that which enables 
me to serve the common cause, among those whose 
friendships I have had the happiness to obtain, and in 
w^hose fortunes I participated, when your prospects 
were Jess bright than they now are. This motive, 
together with others which Congress will properly ap- 
preciate, induce me to request permission to return to 
my own country in the ensuing winter. So long as a 
hope remained of an active campaign, I never indulged 
the idea of leaving the army, — but the present state 
of peace and inaction, leads me to prefer to Congress 
this petition. If it should be pleased to grant my 
request, the arrangements for my departure shall be 
taken in such a manner, that the result of the campaign 
shall be known before they are put in execution. I 
enclose a letter from his Excellency, General Wash- 
ington, consenting to the leave of absence which I wish 
to obtain. < 1 flatter myself that you will consider me 
as a soldier on leave of absence, ardently wishing to 
rejoin his colors as well as his beloved comrades. >If, 
when I return to the midst of my fellow citizens, it is 
believed that I can, in any manner, promote the pros- 
perity of America, — if my most strenuous exertions 



118 LIFE OF GENERAL 

can promise any useful results, I trust, Sir, that I shall 
always be considered as the man who has the prospe- 
rity of the United States most at heart, and who enter- 
tains for their representatives the most perfect love and 
esteem. I have the honor to be, &c., 

" Lafayette." 

Congress acceded promptly to this request. They 
not only had a too high regard for the Marquis to re- 
fuse him, but they well knew that his vast influence 
would be exerted at the court of Versailles wholly in 
ciheir favor, and in the present state of affairs this was 
a consideration not to be disregarded. On the 21st, 
resolutions were passed by Congress, which were com- 
municated to Lafayette by the President in the follow- 
ing manner : 

'* Philadelphia, October 24, 1778. 

" Sir, — I had the honor of presenting to Congress 
your letter, soliciting leave of absence, and I am directed 
by the house to express their thanks for your zeal in 
promoting that just cause in which they are engaged, 
and for the disinterested services you have rendered to 
the United States of America. In testimony of the 
high esteem and affection in which you are held by the 
good people of these states, as well as in acknowledg- 
ment of your gallantry and miUtary talents, displayed 
on many signal occasions, their representatives in Con- 
gress assembled have ordered an elegant sword to be 
presented to you by the American minister at the court 
of Versailles. > 

" Enclosed within the present cover will be found an 
act of Congress of the 21st instant, authorizing these 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 119 

declarations, and granting a furlough for your return 
to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. I 
pray God to bless and protect you, Sir ; to conduct 
you in safety to the presence of your prince, and to 
the re-enjoyment of your family and friends. I have 
the honor to be, &c., 

Henry Laurens, President.''^ 

The resolutions referred to were as follows : 

1778, In Congress, October 21st, Resolved, — 
That the Marquis de Lafayette, Major-General in the 
service of the United States, have leave to go to 
France, and that he return at such time as shall be 
most convenient to him. 

"Resolved, — That the President write a letter to 
the Marquis de Lafayette, returning him the thanks of 
Congress for that disinterested zeal which led him to 
America, and for the services he has rendered to the 
United States, by the exertion of his courage and 
abilities on many signal occasions. 

"Resolved, — That the Minister Plenipotentiary of 
the United States of America at the court of Versailles, 
be directed to cause an elegant sword, with proper de- 
vices, to be made and presented in the name of the 
United States to the Marquis de Lafayette. 

" October, 22d, Resolved, — That the following 
letter of recommendation of the Marquis de Lafayette 
be written to the King of France : 

" To our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, 
Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre : 

" The Marquis de Lafayette, having obtained our 
leave to return to his native country, we could not 



120 LIFE OF GENERAL 

suffer him to depart without testifying our deep sense 
of his zeal, courage, and attachment. We have ad- 
vanced him to the rank of Major-General in our armies, 
which, as well by his prudent as spirited conduct, he 
has manifestly merited. We recommend this young 
nobleman to your majesty's notice, as one whom we 
know to be wise in council, gallant in the field, and 
patient under the hardships of war. His devotion to 
his sovereign has led him in all things to demean him- 
self as an American, acquiring thereby the confidence 
of these United States, your good and faithful friends 
and allies, and the affection of their citizens. We pray 
God to keep your Majesty in His holy protection. 

" Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of October, 
1778, by the Congress of the United States of North 
America, your good friends and allies. 

" Henry Laurens, President,^'' 

In a becoming manner Lafayette acknowledged these 
testimonials, and after some days spent at Philadelphia 
in busy consultations upon his mission, he started for 
Boston on horseback, to meet the vessel fitted out for 
his passage. At Fishkill, which was near the American 
camp, a severe illness awaited him. An inflammatory 
fever, induced by his recent fatigues and excitement, 
brought him to the borders of the grave. For a time 
his life was despaired of, and he himself gave up the 
hope of recovery. No record is left us of his view of 
eternity, while its awful portals seemed opening before 
him, and we cannot learn what were his emotions, 
interesting as such experience would be. General 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 121 

Washington watched over him with the solicitude of a 
father. The best medical attendance was bestowed 
upon him, and through a kind Providence his life was 
preserved. A universal gloom spread over the army 
during the dangerous moments of his illness, which 
gave place to lively demonstrations of joy at the first 
fair prospect of a favorable issue to the disease. A 
gentleman who visited him at Fishkill during his re- 
covery, thus describes his personal appearance at that 
time : *' Visited my friends at Fishkill, ^nd by the 
request of Colonel Gibson, I waited on the Marquis 
de Lafayette. The Colonel furnished me with a letter 
of introduction, and his compliments, with inquiries re- 
specting the Marquis' health. I was received by this 
nobleman in a polite and affable manner. He is just 
recovering from a fever, and is in his chair of conva- 
lescence. He is nearly six feet high, large, but not 
corpulent, being not more than twenty-one years of 
age. He is not very elegant in his form, his shoulders 
being broad and high, nor is there a perfect symmetry 
in his features ; his forehead is remarkably high, his 
nose large and long, eyebrows prominent and project- 
ing over a fine animated hazel eye. His countenance 
is interesting and impressive. He converses in broken 
English, and displays the manners and address of an 
accomplished gentleman. Considering him a French 
nobleman of distinguished character, and a great favor- 
ite of General Washington, I feel myself highly honored 
by this interview." As soon as he was able, Lafayette 
took leave of Washington, and resumed his journey 
early in December. Reaching Boston on the 11th of 



122 LIFE OF GENERAL 

that month, he found the ship in which he was to sail, 
not yet ready for sea. 

Meanwhile, he was sedulously employed in prelimi- 
naries bearing upon the interests of both his native and 
adopted land. Never was Lafayette more worthy to 
be called " the man of two worlds," than when, on the 
11th February, 1779, he sailed from Massachusetts 
Bay for his beloved France, bearing upon his great 
heart the welfare and honor of a modern republic, and 
an ancient kingdom. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Letter to Washington — The voyage — Storm and conspiracy — Arrival in 
France — Reception — Political Quarantine — Lafayette is admitted 
TO the royal presence and favor — His popularity — His labors in 
BEHALF OP France and America — Letter to President Laurens — Prb- 
sentation op the sword to Lafayette — Dr. Franklin's letter and 
Lafayette's reply— Lafayette and the Ministry — Success at last — 
Proposed plan of aid— Lafayette sails for Boston— Arrival and let- 
ter TO General Washington — Reception at Boston — Repairs to Head 
Quarters — Goes to Philadelphia — Situation op the Army — Washing- 
ton — Letters — Designs upon New York — Arrival op the French 
Flbbt — Lafayette at New York — Head Quarters. 

The Marquis wrote the following farewell to Wash- 
ington. 

"On board the Alliance off Boston, Jan. 11, 1779. 

*' The sails are just going to be hoisted, my dear 
General, and I have but time to take my last leave of 
you. I may now be certain that Congress did not in- 
tend to send any thing more to me. The navy board 
and Mr. Nevil write me this morning from Boston, 
that the North River is passable, and that a gentleman 
from camp says, he did not hear of any thing like an 
express for me. All agree for certain that Congress 
think I am gone, and that the sooner I go the better. 

" Farewell my dear General. I hope your French 
friend will ever be dear to you. I hope I shall soon 
see you again, and tell you myself with what emotion 
I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what affec- 
tion and respect I am forever, my dear General, your 

respectful and sincere friend, — Lafayette." 
9 



124 LIFE OF GENERAL 

The voyage was not without its incidents and its 
perils. It was an inclement season and they encoun- 
tered a terrible storm when otY the Banks of New- 
foundland. The frigate, unconscious of the treasure 
it bore, reeled to the gale, and was tossed like a 
feather upon the mad waters. So violent was the 
tempest that as night settled down upon the vessel 
already half filled with water, and with the main top 
mast blown away, few even of the crew expected to 
see the morning alive. When it dawned, the ship 
rolled upon the heavy swells a dismantled hulk, but 
the heavens were calm again, and the inmates of the 
Alliance safe. Another danger, however, awaited the 
Marquis. While the bark was getting ready fur sea, 
a great difficulty had been found in procuring sailors. 
D' Estaing, from whom Lafayette hoped to obt»in them, 
had sai^^d from Boston before the Marqui«' arrival. 
After much difficulty, the number required Has made 
up by accepting several EngHsh and Irish deserters 
and prisoners, who had offered their services. It was a 
strange rough set that were thus brought to^^ether, but 
they were the best that could be found, and 'vere neces- 
sarily taken. They had most of them bec/i engaged 
in the war, and their sympathies were enlr ted in the 
royal cause. The presence of Lafayette did not awe 
these seamen, but excited them the more. By^a recent 
proclamation they would be entitled to the ship, could 
they bring it into an English port, and they had hardly 
recovered from the effects of the storm, whsn a plan 
was formed to murder all on board except Lafayette, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 125 

and, taking the vessel to England, surrender him as a 
prisoner of sufficient rank to be exchanged for General 
Burgoyne. When the frigate had arrived within two 
hundred leagues of the coast of France, this plot was 
matured and a day and hour set for its execution. 
But before the time arrived the secret was discovered. 
It had been revealed to an American sailor who was 
promised the command of the ship if he would engage 
in it. Feigning assent for a time, he watched for a 
favorable opportunity, and disclosed the whole plot to 
the Marquis, who immediately caused thirty-one of 
the mutineers to be placed in irons for the rest of the 
voyage. The promptness and energy with which La- 
fayette acted upon this occasion effectually quelled all 
disaffection, and secured tranquillity. 

Lafayette landed at Brest in February, eight days 
after he had so effectually checked the sedition. The 
gladness with which he was welcomed was exceed- 
ingly flattering. He was not yet twenty-two years 
of age, but his splendid career had already given him 
a world-wide reputation. His fame had spread into 
every city and hamlet of the kingdom. On the 12th 
of February he met his wife and family at Versailles, 
and, in the rapture of their re-union, the pain of their 
sad separation was forgotten. Proceeding to Paris, he 
was for more than a week forbidden the king's pre- 
sence as a penance for having left the realm in disobe- 
dience to his commands. This ^^ political quarantined^ 
was soon passed, and after a gentle reproof he was 
admitted to the palace, and restored again to favor. 
He immediately busied himself in the accomplishment 



126 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of magnificent plans which he had formed for the bene- 
fit of America. He was almost daily closeted with 
the Prime Minister, the Count de Vergennes, astonish- 
ing that old statesman by the comprehensiveness of 
those designs, and the vigor with which he proposed 
to execute them. In the descent upon England which 
nad greatly influenced his return, he was impatient to 
engage, hoping that, if successful, it might close the 
war, and bring peace at the same time to both France 
and the Colonies. The expedition after being duly 
matured, was abruptly abandoned by the ministry, and 
Lafayette sought a new channel for his heroism. Al- 
though no regular authority had been delegated to him 
by Congress, yet he set himself assiduously at work, 
to solicit for their army assistance in men, money, and 
clothing. So intense was his zeal, that he offered to 
pledge his entire fortune for the present wants of the 
Republic. He proposed to the Count deVergennes that 
four ships of the Kne with half of their crews should 
be hired for one year for the service of the United 
States, and that it should be done in the name of the 
administration ; ''and as for the necessary funds," says 
he, " the government should pledge itself only in case 
that it should exceed my fortune /" A loan w^hich the 
English had been negotiating in Holland was suddenly 
broken off, and Lafayette immediately besought the 
ministry to secure it. Writing to deVergennes, he 
presses it earnestly upon his attention. So remarkable 
were his efforts, while he was unceasingly active for 
the best interests of his own nation, that no one won- 
dered at hig success abroad. An extensive correspon- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 127 

dence was all the while kept up with his friends across 
the Atlantic. He strbve to heal the dissensions which 
existed between some of these, and to allay the party 
contests which began to embitter the national councils. 
The following extracts from a letter which he wrote 
to President Laurens, are interesting not only as show- 
ing the employment of the Marquis while at home, but 
as revealing the views and feelings cherished towards 
the land for which he had bled. The letter is dated 
at St. Jean d'Angely, June 12th, 1779. Alluding to 
the gratitude and love which he bore the Americans, he 
says : *' So deeply are those sentiments engraven upon 
my heart, that I every day lament the distance which 
separates me from them, and that nothing was ever so 
warmly and passionately wished for, as to return again 
to that country of which I shall ever consider myself 
as a citizen. There is no pleasure to be enjoyed which 
could equal that of finding myself among that free and 
liberal nation, by whose affection and confidence I am 
so highly honored ; — to fight again with those brother 
soldiers of mine to whom I am so much indebted. But 
Congress knows that former plans have been altered 
by themselves, that others have been thought impos- 
sible, as they were asked too late in the year. I will, 
therefore, make use of the leave of absence they were 
pleased to grant me, and serve the common cause 
among my countrymen, their aUies, until happy cir- 
cumstances may conduct me to the American shores, in 
such a way, as would make that return more useful to 
the United States. The affairs of America I shall ever 
look upon as my first business while I am in Europe. 



128 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Any confidence from the King and ministers, any popu- 
larity I may have among my own countrymen, any 
means in my power shall be, to the best of my skill, 
and to the end of my life, exerted in behalf of an inte- 
rest I have so much at heart. What I have hitherto 
done or said relating to America I think needless to 
mention, as my ardent zeal for her is, I hope, well 
known to Congress ; — but I wish to let them know that 
if, in my proposals, and in my repeated urgent repre- 
sentation for getting ships, money, and support of any 
kind, I have not always found the ministry so much in 
earnest as I was myself, they only opposed to me 
natural fears of inconveniences which might arise to 
both countries, or the conviction that such a thing was 
impossible for the present ; — but I never could question 
their good will towards America. If Congress believe 
that my influence may serve them in any way, I beg 
they will direct such orders to me, that I may the more 
certainly and properly employ the knowledge which I 
have of this court and country for obtaining a success 
in which my heart is so much interested. 

"The so flattering affection which Congress and the 
American nation are pleased to honor me with, makes 
me very desirous of letting them know, — if I dare 
speak so friendly, — how I enjoyed my private situ- 
ation. Happy in the sight of my friends and family, 
after I was by your attentive goodness safely brought 
again to my native shore, I met there with such an 
honorable reception, with such kind sentiments as by 
far exceeded any wishes I durst have conceived. I 
am indebted for that inexpressible satisfaction which 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 129 

the good will of my countrymen towards me affords 
to my heart, to their ardent love for America, to the 
cause of freedom and its defenders, their new alHes, 
and to the idea which they entertain, that I have had 
the happiness to serve the United States. To these 
motives. Sir, and to the letter Congress was pleased to 
write on my account, I owe the many favors the king 
has conferred upon me. Without delay I was ap- 
pointed to the command of his own regiment of dra- 
goons, and every thing he could have done, every thing 
I could have wished, I have received on account of 
your kind recommendations. 

" I have been some days in this small town, near 
Rochefort harbor, where I have joined the king's regi- 
ment, and where other troops are stationed, which I 
for the moment command. I hope, however, to leave 
this place ere long, in order to play a more active part 
and come nearer the common enemy. Before my 
departure from Paris, I sent to the Minister of foreign 
affairs — who is one of our best friends — intelligence 
concerning a loan in Holland, which I want France to 
make or answer for in behalf of America ; but I have 
not yet heard the result. M. le Chevalier de la Lu- 
zerne* will give you more explicit and fresher news, 
as he is particularly ordered to do so, and he sets out 
directly from Versailles. 

" Wherever the interests of beloved friends are 
seriously concerned, candid and warm affection knows 



* The Chevalier de la Luzerne was the second minister sent out by 
the French Governmeut to the United States. 



130, LIFE OF GENERAL 

not how to calculate and throws away all considera- 
tions. I will frankly tell you, Sir, that nothing can 
more effectually hurt our interest, consequence, and 
reputation in Europe than to hear of disputes or divi- 
sions between the whigs. Nothing could urge my 
touching upon this delicate matter but the unhappy 
experience of every day on that head, since I can 
hear, myself, what is said on this side of the Atlantic ; 
and the arguments I have to contend with," 

During the month of August, the sword which had 
been voted him by Congress was finished. " It was 
appropriately devised and splendidly executed by the 
best artists. The knob of the handle exhibited on one 
side a shield, with Lafayette's arms, a marquis' coro- 
net, surmounted by a streamer, on which his motto, 
cur norij was inscribed. On the other side was a me- 
dallion, representing the first quarter of the moon, 
whose rays were shed over the sea, and the land of the 
American continent, which is seen in the horizon. In 
the foreground, was the coast of France, surrounded 
by a scroll on which were inscribed the words " cj-es- 
cam ut prosim" in reference to the rising liberty and 
subsequent prospects of the country. In the center 
of the handle on each side, were two oblong medal- 
lions. The first represented Lafayette with his 
sword drawn, and his foot upon the prostrate British 
lion, in the attitude of inflicting a mortal wound, but 
pausing, extending his hand, and inclind to spare the 
life of his victim. On the other medallion, America 
was represented under the device of a young half-clad 
female, seated beneath a military tent, with one hand 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 131 

holding up her broken fetters, and with the other pre- 
senting a laurel branch to Lafayette. Other devices, 
of arms, laurel crowns, &c., encircled the handle and 
on one side of the guard. On the other were the 
words — ' From the American Congress to the 
Marquis de Lafayette, 1779.' On the curved parts 
of the guard were represented in medallions four me- 
morable events of the American war, in which La- 
fayette acted a distinguished part. These were : 
1. — The Battle of Gloucester; 2. — Retreat 
OF Barren Hill; 3. — Battle of Monaiouth ; 
4. — Retreat of Rhode Island." 

The sword was presented to the Marquis at Havre 
by a grandson of Dr. Franklin, accompanied by the 
following letter : 

" Passy, August 24, 1779. 
"Sir, — The Congress, sensible of your merit to- 
wards the United States, but unable adequately to 
reward it, determined to present you with a sword, as 
a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment. They 
directed it to be ornamented with suitable devices. 
Some of the principal actions of the war, in which you 
distinguished yourself by your bravery and conduct, 
are, therefore, represented upon it. These with a few 
emblematic figures, all admirably well executed, make 
its principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists 
France affords, I find it easy to express every thing 
but the sense we have of your worth, and our obligations 
to you. For this, figures, and even words are found 
insufficient. I, therefore, only add, that with the most 



132 LIFE OF GENERAL 

perfect esteem and respect, I have the honor to be 
your obedient servant, B. Franklin." 

The reply of Lafayette is fully indicative of himself. 
It is as follows : 

" Havre, August 29, 1779. 

" Sir, — Whatever expectation might have been 
raised from the sense of past favors, the goodness of 
the United States to me has ever been such, that on 
every occasion it far surpasses any idea I could have 
conceived. A nev7 proof of that flattering truth I find 
in the noble present vv^hich Congress has been pleased 
to honor me vv^ith, and which is offered in such a man- 
ner by your excellency, as will exceed any thing but 
the feelings of an unbounded gratitude. 

" In some of the devices I cannot help finding too 
honorable a reward for those slight services which, in 
concert with my fellow soldiers, and under the god-like 
American hero's orders, I had the good fortune to ren- 
der. The sight of those actions, where I was a witness 
of American bravery and patriotic spirit, I shall ever 
enjoy with that pleasure which becomes a heart glow- 
ing with love for the nation, and the most ardent zeal 
for its glory and happiness. Assurances of gratitude, 
which I beg leave to present to your excellency, are 
much too inadequate to my feelings, and nothing but 
such sentiments can properly acknowledge your kind- 
ness towards me. The poHte manner in which Mr. 
Franklin was pleased to deliver that inestimable sword, 
lays me under great obligations to him, and demands 
my particular thanks. I have the honor to be, &c. 

" Lafayette." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 133 

The fidelity of Layfayette to the stars and stripes 
was conspicuous every where. The difficulties among 
his people were not all with which he had to contend. 
Influences were spreading in America, unfavorable to 
receiving the aid he' sought. The discord between the 
allies had awakened a very extensive prejudice in this 
country, against the employment of any more foreign 
troops. Lafayette was not ignorant of it ; for, like 
water to the fire, it chilled his spirit. Still his labors 
were not diminished. He saw the importance of 
enHsting France, and, though in the attempt he met 
with but little favor, he persevered. But the popular 
feeling was so strong in the colonies, that before he 
succeeded, there came a direct injunction from Con- 
gress, that he should not ask the aid of land forces from 
his government. This staggered him for a moment, 
but his comprehensive mind surveyed the whole sub- 
ject, and he determined to proceed. He was confident 
that ere long Congress would view the matter in the 
same light that he did. With great decision he there- 
fore continued imploring the ministry. The king at 
first smiled at his enthusiasm, and then began to won- 
der at his unflagging perseverance. ** He would un- 
furnish the palace of Versailles to clothe the American 
army,'* said M. de Maurepas one day, and, said Lafay- 
ette, when he heard of it, " / would /" He solicited 
a naval armament, and a large supply of auxiliary 
troops for the service, and was inclined to take no 
denial. At the request of the Count de Vergennes, he 
submitted an important paper, containing his views 
respecting the proposed expedition. He states its ira- 



134 LIFE OF GENERAL 

portance to both nations^ urges it as a matter of duty 
and policy, and then details in extended terms the plan 
which he would see adopted. In conclusion^ he says : 
" For my own part, you know my sentiments, and you 
will never doubt that my first interest is to serve my 
country. 1 hope for the sake of the public good, that 
you will send troops to America. I shall be considered 
too young, I presume, to take the command, but I shall 
surely be employed. If, in the arrangement of this 
plan, any one, to whom my sentiments are less know^i 
than to yourself, in proposing for me either the com- 
mand or some inferior commission, should assign as a 
reason, that I should thereby be induced to serve my 
country with more zeal, either in council or in action, 
I take the liberty, — putting aside the minister of the 
King, — to request M. de Vergennes to come forward as 
my friend, and refuse, in my name, favors bestowed 
from motives so inconsistent with my character." 

This had a material effect upon subsequent affairs. 
The attack upon England, after another discussion, was 
entirely dismissed, and the ministry regarded more 
favorably Lafayette's proposal. His first suggestion 
was the combined power of naval and land forces ; but 
if this could not be granted immediately, he desired 
them to send two or three thousand men with three 
hundred dragoons to Boston, to act with the army till 
the sea force could be got in readiness. Early in 
February, 1780, a plan was accepted chiefly in accor- 
dance with his own wishes. An army was to be fitted 
out, and dispatched early in the succeeding April, 
under command of Major-General le Compte Rocham- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 135 

beau. It was to consist of six ships of the line with the 
necessary transports, which were to take out six thou- 
sand men with the requisite artillery for sieges and field 
service. With these were to be sent large supplies of 
clothing, arms, and munitions of war. In view of for- 
mer troubles at Rhode Island and elsewhere, Lafayette 
expressly stipulated that the troops now to be sent 
should be considered as auxiliaries ; that they should 
be held under the command of General Washington, 
and subjected to the various regulations which the 
American officers should adopt. Lafayette had not 
solicited, and did not expect, a command in this expedi- 
tion. With a bounding heart he received his instruc- 
tions, which were " to proceed immediately to join 
General Washington, and communicate to him the 
secret, that the King, willing to give the United States 
a new proof of his affection and of his interest in their 
security, is resolved to send to their aid, at the opening 
of the spring, six vessels of the line and six thousand 
regular troops of infantry." It was a glad day for the 
Marquis when he received these directions. The dar- 
ling wish of his heart was gratified, and he had nothing 
farther than speedily to return to the scene of his con- 
flicts and renown. Taking an affectionate leave of 
Madame Lafayette and his family, he stepped on board 
the French frigate Hermione, and sailed from Rochelle 
on the 19th of March, 1780. His voyage was pleasant 
and without any special incident. The Hermione 
arrived at the entrance of Boston harbor on the 27th 
of April ; and before landing, thus apprised General 
Washington of his approach : 



136 LIFE OF GENERAL 

" At the Entrance of Boston Harbor, 

"April 27, 1780. 

" Here I am, my dear General, and, in the midst of 
the joy I feel in finding myself again one of your lov- 
ing soldiers, I take but the time to tell you that I came 
from France on board a frigate which the King gave 
me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost im- 
portance, which I should at first communicate to you 
alone. In case my letter finds you any where this side 
of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait for me, and do 
assure you a great public good may be derived from 
it. To-morrow we go up to the town, and the day 
after I shall set off in my usual way to join my be- 
loved and respected friend and general." 

The next day Lafayette landed. His reception was 
highly flattering. The day was made one of public 
rejoicing ; all the bells in the city rung their merry 
peals over the inhabitants flocking to the shore, to 
receive their generous defender. Amid the roar of 
cannon, the enlivening strains of military music, and 
the loud shouts of the multitude, he was escorted to 
the house of Gov. Hancock, which had been arranged 
for his reception. The festivities there were unattrac- 
tive, because his thoughts were with Washington. 
Leaving Boston, he hurried to headquarters, and no 
public reception was ever so grateful to him as the 
warm embrace and words of welcome from his noble 
friend. The army celebrated his arrival with public 
gratulations, but Washington's smile eclipsed all these 
rejoicings. The warm friendship which subsisted be- 
tween these two great men is pleasing to contemplate. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 137 

There was no outward display of affection for mere 
effect. In the breast of each was a fountain, which, 
at the mention of the other's name, would overflow. 

The news brought from France Lafayette disclosed 
to no one, till he saw Washington. The tidings were 
peculiarly grateful to the weary heart of the father of 
his country. Pressed by the burden of accumulated 
difficulties, the prospect which now opened before him, 
gave him hope of a speedy relief from them all. The 
proposed measures, to be adopted upon the arrival of 
the French fleet, were discussed by Washington and 
Lafayette, and then the Marquis proceeded to Phila- 
delphia. On his arrival there he was greeted with the 
warmest welcome. Upon the 13th of May he offered 
his services in the army, to Congress, whereupon the 
following resolution was immediately adopted : 

^' Resolved, — That Congress consider the return 
of the Marquis de Lafayette to America, to resume 
his command, as a fresh proof of the disinterested zeal 
and persevering attachment which have justly recom- 
mended him to the public confidence and applause ; — 
and that they receive with pleasure a tender of the 
further services of so gallant and meritorious an offi- 
cer." 

The fleet was now daily expected, and the two he- 
roes began to busy themselves upon a plan of opera- 
tions. The Commander-in-Chief earnestly hoped that 
the present campaign might witness a termination of 
the war. He longed to be permitted to lay down his 
sword again, and now that France had promised so 
largely assistance, he anticipated that consummation. 



138 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Still there were many obstacles in the way. Difficul- 
ties surrounded Washington under which ordinary men 
would have sunk ; but his great soul was unmoved. 
No gloom or danger ever shut out from his view the 
bright vision of future peace and liberty. Trials thick- 
ened, but the hope was there. New obstacles were 
continually to be surmounted ; — new difficulties were 
constantly crossing his way, but his path was onward, 
and he trod it with an unfaltering footstep. He saw 
in perils only clouds hiding the sun ; and though at 
times they were black and heavy, yet he knew that 
the bright orb upon which his faith rested, was rolling 
radiantly behind them, and would come gloriously forth 
from obscurity, lighting up a wondering world with its 
rays. Washington has received the homage of the 
world, and needs no other eulogy than a simple deli- 
neation of his character. Among the brave generals 
who fought around him, he is isolated by a serene ele- 
vation of thought and action, resembling in position the 
solitary grandeur of Niagara upon this continent of 
majestic rivers. Perhaps there never was a man who 
illustrated the balance of powers, a mental and moral 
harmony, so sublimely as himself. His entire being 
obeyed the laws designed to govern it, with the beau- 
tiful uniformity with which the tides rise and fall, 
under the attractive influence of the spheres. His 
patriotic ardor and active energies were always within 
the confines of sober reason and an enlightened con- 
science. His monument will adorn the capital of the 
Union, but a hemisphere is consecrated to his me- 
morv, and his name has reached, like a spell-word, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 139 

the darkest despot and the humblest serf of remotest 
lands. The care of the Commander-in-Chief for his 
troops was proverbial. On the 20th of June, 1780, he 
writes to Congress, giving a melancholy account of 
their condition at this time. Many of them were des- 
titute of shirts, and almost without clothing of any 
description. This subject he urges strongly, as he had 
often done before, upon the attention of Congress. 
*' For the troops to be without clothing at any time," 
he says, ** is highly injurious to the service, and dis- 
tressing to our feelings ; but the want will be more 
pecuHarly mortifying when they come to act with 
those of our allies. If it be possible, I have no doubt, 
immediate measures will be taken to reheve their dis- 
tress. 

" It is also most sincerely wished that there could be 
some supplies of clothing furnished to the officers. 
There are a great many whose condition is still miser- 
able. This is, in some instances, the case with the 
whole hnes of the States. It would be well for their 
own sakes and the public good if they could be fur- 
nished. They will not be able, when our friends come 
to cooperate with us, to go on a common routine of 
duty ; and if they should, they must, from their ap- 
pearance, be held in low estimation." 

" This picture,'^ says Marshall, " presents in strong 
colors the real patriotism of the American army. One 
heroic effort, though it may dazzle the mind with its 
splendor, is an exertion most men are capable of ma- 
king , — but continued patient suffering and unremitting 
perseverance, in a service promising no personal emolu- 



140 ]LIFE OF GENERAL 

ment, and exposing the officer unceasingly, not only to 
wants of every kind, but to those circumstances of 
humiliation which seem to degrade him in the eyes of 
others, demonstrate a fortitude of mind, a strength of 
virtue, and a firmness of principle, which ought never 
to be forgotten." 

This condition of the American soldiers was also an 
object of solicitude to Lafayette. The ladies of Phila- 
delphia started a subscription and made large donations 
in aid of the suffering, to which the Marquis, in the 
name of Madame Lafayette, generously added one 
hundred guineas. This, however, was only a tempo- 
rary supply, and could not meet the real wants of the 
destitute troops. Private charities and individual con- 
tributions are not adequate to the necessities of a pro- 
tracted revolution. The lamentable insensibility of 
Congress to the real condition of things, and the failure 
to adopt suitable measures for relief, are amazing. 
Numbers who composed that body, seemed to have a 
faint conception of the great object for which they 
were struggling. Hence they neglected to act promptly 
and nobly in its accomplishment. The paper currency 
of the nation was rapidly depreciating in value, and 
Congress was distracted by diverse counsels, and time 
wasted in party animosities without heeding results. 
The conduct of the different states was also far from 
what it should have been. The supplies which they 
agreed to furnish, they neglected to send, or would 
send them after so long a delay that half their benefit 
was lost. Washington deeply felt this, and wrote to 
Congress, again and again, upon the subject. About 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 141 

the time of the last letter above quoted, he writes 
thus; — "I hope the period has not yet arrived, vs^hich 
will convince the different states by fatal experience, 
that some of them have mistaken the true situation of 
this country. I flatter myself, however, that we- may 
still retrieve our affairs if we have but a just sense of 
them, and are actuated by a spirit of liberal policy and 
exertion equal to the emergency. Could we once see 
this spirit generally prevailing, I should not despair of 
a prosperous issue of the campaign. But there is no 
time to be lost. The danger is imminent and pres- 
sing; — the obstacles to be surmounted are great and 
numerous; and our efforts must be instant, unreserved, 
and universal." 

The French fleet was delayed, but a plan of action 
was taken which was to go into execution immediately 
upon its arrival. It was the wish both of Washington 
and Lafayette to make an attack upon New York. 
With a wisdom, which, had it been shown at first, might 
have brought the war to a close long before. Congress, 
instead of foolishly attempting to guide the matter, and 
laying the Commander-in-Chief under useless and irk- 
some restraints, judiciously empowered him ''to take 
such measures for carrying on the operations of the 
campaign as would effectually promote the purposes in 
view." The attack upon New York was accordingly 
determined upon, as soon as practicable after the French 
vessels were in harbor. 

Preparations for the reception of the foreign forces 
continued through the month of June. It was not till 
the 10th of July that the anxiously expected aid an- 



142 LIFE OF GENERAL 

chored off Newport. To the disappointment of Wash- 
ington, this was only a part of the promised assistance. 
Five thousand five hundred men were sent, leaving 
two thousand, with all the arms, munitions of war, and 
clothing promised Lafayette, to follow on in a second 
division of the armament. The delay of these last 
mentioned snpplies was embarrassing. Said Wash- 
ington to Lafayette on learning it, — *' Unless our allies 
can lend us largely, we can attempt nothing. With 
every effort we can make, we shall fall short four or 
five thousand arms, and tw^o hundred tons of powder." 

The fleet' had been detained in France till the 2d of 
May. Meanwhile the enemy against which it was to 
move had not been asleep; nor had the progress of 
affairs escaped British vigilance. Before they were 
half completed the English ministry understood their 
object, and began to take counter measures. Intelli- 
gence was sent to Sir Henry Chnton that a French 
armament was fitting out for the American service, 
and, as it was calculated that New York would be the 
first place of attack, he was ordered to take special 
means for its defense. These dispatches reached him 
in time to enable him to call off a heavy detachment 
from South Carolina, which arrived just before the 
French fleet reached Newport. To aid him further, 
an additional naval force was dispatched from England 
which was expected. 

Soon as arrangements could be made, Lafayette left 
Washington for Newport, fully commissioned by the 
Commander-in-Chief to arrange with the Count de 
Rochambeau, such prospective movements as circum- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 143 

Stances should suggest. A combined attack upon New 
York was the desire of both. But, before the Marquis 
reached Newport, news had reached the French that 
Sir Henry CHnton had sailed from the city, with a 
large naval and land force, and was now on his way 
to attack them. When Lafayette arrived, therefore, 
(July 25th,) he found the French in a state fitted for 
defensive rather than offensive war. The troops were 
disembarked and strongly fortified on shore, while the 
fleet stood in line, to cover them. General Clinton 
upon learning this did not venture an attack; and when 
this immediate danger was passed, Lafayette submitted 
to de Rochambeau the plan of a united advance upon 
New York. The Count entered into it with zeal, but 
was disposed to wait for his second division, before de- 
cisive battle. The Marquis with energy opposed these 
views. All the arguments which his fertile mind sug- 
gested were brought to bear upon the Count. The 
easy, affable and engaging way in which he presented 
them, had its force, but de Rochambeau was disposed 
to act with extreme caution. While in this attitude, 
he preserved harmony between the allies, determined 
to avoid the disgraceful difficulties in which d' Estaing 
had been involved. On the 31st of July Lafayette 
wrote to Washington; — ''The French army hate the 
idea of staying here, and want to join you. They 
swear at those who speak of waiting for the second 
division. They are enraged to be blockaded in this 
harbor. As to the dispositions of the inhabitants and 
our troops, and the dispositions of the inhabitants and 
the militia for them, they are such as I may wish. 



144 LIFE OF GENERAL 

You would have been glad the other day, to have seen 
tvsTO hundred and fifty of our drafts, that came on from 
Connecticut without provisions or tents, and who were 
mixed in such a way with the French troops, that 
ever)^ French soldier and officer took an American 
with him, and divided their bed and their supper in the 
most friendly manner. 

" The patience and sobriety of our miUtia is so much 
admired by the French officers, that two days ago a 
French Colonel called all his officers together, to desire 
them to take the good examples which were given to 
the French soldiers by the American troops. So far 
are they gone in their admirations, that they find a 
great deal to say in favor of General Yarnum, and his 
escort of militia dragoons, who fill up all the streets of 
Newport. On the other hand, the French discipline is 
such that chickens and pigs walk between the tents 
without being disturbed, and that there is in the camp 
a corn field, from which not one leaf has been touched. 
The Tories don't know what to say to it." 

Rochambeau still desiring to wait for his division, 
Washington advised Lafayette not to urge their move- 
ments. " I would not wish you," said he, '' to press 
the French General and Admiral to any thing to which 
they show a disinclination, especially to the withdraw- 
ing of their troops from Rhode Island before the se- 
cond division arrives to give them a naval superiority. 
Should they yield to importunity, and an accident 
happen, either there or here, they would lay the con- 
sequences to us. Only inform them what we can do, 
what we are wilhng to undertake, and let them entirely 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 145 

consult their own inclination for the rest." Accord- 
ingly Lafayette ceased his importunity, and soon 
after news arrived that Clinton had received a fresh 
reinforcement, thus giving him a decided naval supe- 
riority upon the coast. A plan was thereupon formed 
by him of a joint operation with his land and sea forces 
against Newport, and six thousand troops were em- 
barked for that purpose. Such a design could not 
escape the scrutiny of Washington, who lost no time 
in dispatching tidings of it to Newport, and in prepa- 
ring for a great emergency himself. Knowing that the 
force which Sir Henry had taken with him must 
greatly weaken the garrison left in New York, Wash- 
ington formed the bold design of attacking it. Without 
delay he caused his army to move forward towards 
the city ; but his high hopes of success were dispelled, 
when he heard that Clinton, not venturing an assault, 
had suddenly returned to headquarters. To con- 
tinue the descent was hopeless, and Washington drew 
back across the Hudson, and took post near Orange- 
town. 

Tidings soon after reached Newport that the antici- 
pated vessels were blockaded in the port of Brest by a 
British squadron. This news was soon followed by the 
intelligence that Admiral Rodney had sailed from Eng- 
land for America, with eleven ships of the line and four 
frigates. This disconcerted all the plans of the allies, 
and frustrated the hopes they had cherished at the 
opening of the campaign. To march against New 
York was now out of the question, and as Lafayette 
could see nothing but inaction before him at Newport, 



146 LIFE OF GENERAL 

he solicited and obtained permission to return to head- 
quarters. 

Washington received the Marquis on the 7th of 
August, and invested him w^ith the command of a corps 
of Hght infantry, which he had collected and organized 
for this purpose. It was a fine body of two thousand 
men, " but," said Washington, *' the greater part of 
them are without clothing." Lafayette was much 
pleased with them, and made them the subjects of his 
customary liberality. He clothed the soldiers in uni- 
form, and presented each of the subordinate officers of 
the corps with an elegant sword, at his own expense. 
Nothing could exceed the ardent attachment which he 
immediately won from them all. They became the 
pride of his heart, and he the idol of their affection. 
*' The whole army indiscriminately beloved Lafayette, 
not only for that amiable disposition, and those charm- 
ing manners which characterized him, but for his great 
gallantry and ardent attachment to his country. The 
confidence and affection of the troops were, to him, 
invaluable possessions and well acquired riches, of 
which no one could, and no one desired to deprive 
him ; and he always expressed by his air and counte- 
nance, that he was happier in receiving his friends at 
their head than at his estate in Auvergne. The influ- 
ence and consideration which he acquired among the 
political, as well as the military body were highly 
flattering to a young man of his mold, and it is confi- 
dently asserted that his private letters have, frequently, 
produced more effect in arousing the lethargy of some 
of the States, than the strongest exhortations of Con- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 147 

gress. In short, he possessed in so high a degree the 
character of an accompKshed and perfect soldier, as to 
gain the confidence of his superiors, the affection of his 
equals, and the respect and veneration of all who 
served under him. It is no trifling compliment to say, 
that next to the Commander-in-Chief and the intrepid 
Greene, no General stood higher in the public favor, or 
more constantly commanded the admiration of the 
army than Lafayette." 

The Marquis now busied himself in arranging an 
interview between General Washington, Count de 
Rochambeau, and the Chevalier de Ternay, the Ad- 
miral of the French fleet. This was earnestly desired 
by the officers, who assured Lafayette that they could 
do more towards arranging operations in a quarter of 
an hour's conversation, than they could do by multi- 
plied dispatches. " I will do all that depends upon me, 
gentlemen," replied the Marquis, " to prevail upon the 
General to meet you half way ; — but from his proxi- 
mity to the enemy, and from the present situation of 
the army, which he has never quitted since the war, I 
fear it will appear very difficult for him to absent him- 
self.'' Washington was unwilHng to leave for a day, 
but at length consented to the proposed interview, 
hoping, at least, that it might contribute to strengthen 
the bonds of union. The interview was agreed upon, 
to take place at Hartford, Conn, on the 20th of Sep- 
tember ; and three days previously, Washington, La- 
fayette, and Gen. Knox, attended by an imposing 
retinue, left the American camp for that purpose. No 
definite order of things was settled as the result of the 



148 LIFE OF GENERAL 

interview, but it had a favorable influence in cementing 
personal friendly relations, and in producing harmoni- 
ous views of military cooperation between the French 
and American commanders. 



CHAPTER V. 

Treason op Arnold — Fate op Andre — Washington in Newport— Lafay- 
ette IN Maryland — Manoeuvres and operations there — Destitution 

OP THE soldiers — GENEROSITY OP THE MARQ,UI8 — LaPAYETTB IN VlRGINIA- 
PhILLIPS and THE TrAITOR — CoRNWALLIS ARRIVES, AND TAKES THE SUPREMB 
COMMAND OP THE BRITISH TROOPS — HiS CHARACTER— PURSUIT OF CORNWALLIS 
AND RETREAT OF THE MARftUIS — JUNCTION WITH WAYNE— ThE PURSUED TURNS 
PURSUER — CORNWALLIS RETREATS TO PORTSMOUTH — EMBARKS FOR YORK- 

TOWN — Fortifies himself at Yorktown and Gloucester Point — Arrival 
OF THE French fleet— Arrival of the allied army — Siege of Yorktown— 
Surrender of Cornwallis — Results — Lafayette goes to France. 

The record of September, 1780, is ever memorable 
for the blot of Arnold's treason. The details of this 
foul transaction, which will hand down to remotest 
posterity the picture of its principal actor, painted in 
tints of irremediable baseness, are familiar to every 
reader of history. Arnold had taken the time when 
Washington was absent from the camp, to carry his 
diabolical plans into execution, and the Commander- 
in-Chief first learned of it as he was returning from 
Hartford. The following is Lafayette's announcement 
of the treachery to the Chevalier de la Luzerne : 

" Robinson House, opposite W. Point, 

" Sept 26, 1780. 

" When I parted from you yesterday. Sir, to come 
and breakfast here with General Arnold, we were far 
from foreseeing the event which I am now going to 
relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to 
which we were exposed ; — you will admire the mira- 



150 LIFE OF GENERAL 

culous chain of unexpected events and singular chan- 
ces, which have saved us ; — but you w^ill be still 
more astonished w^hen you learn by what instrument 
this conspiracy has been formed. West Point was 
sold, — and sold by Arnold^ — the same man who for- 
merly acquired glory by rendering such immense ser- 
vices to his country. He had lately entered into a 
horrible compact with the enemy, and, but for the 
accident which brought us here at a certain hour, 
but for the combination of chances that threw the 
Adjutant-General of the British army in the hands of 
some peasants, beyond the limits of our stations, at 
West Point and on the North River, w§ should both 
at present, in all probability, be in the possession of 
the enemy. 

*' When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were 
preceded by one of my aids-de-camp, and one of 
General Washington's, (Colonels Hamilton and Mc- 
Henry,) who found General Arnold and his wife at 
breakfast, and sat down at table with them. While 
they were together two letters were given to Ar- 
nold, which apprised him of the arrest of the spy. 
He ordered a horse to be saddled, went into his 
wife's room to tell her he was ruined, and desired 
his aid-de-camp to inform General Washington that 
he was going to West Point and would return in the 
course of an hour. 

"On our arrival here, we crossed the river and went 
to examine the works. You may conceive our as- 
tonishment when we learned, on our return, that the 
arrested spy was Major Andre, Adjutant-General of 



MARQUIS DE LAPAYETTE. 151 

the English army ; and when among his papers were 
discovered the copy of an important council of war, 
the state of the garrison and works, and observations 
upon various means of attack and defense, the whole 
in Arnold's own hand\vriting. 

" The Adjutant-Geiseral wrote also to the General, 
avowing his name and situation. Orders were sent to 
arrest Arnold ; but he escaped in a boat, got on board 
the English frigate, the Vulture, and as no person 
suspected his flight he was not stopped at any post. 
Colonel Hamilton, who had gone in pursuit of him, 
received, soon after by a flag of truce, a letter from 
Arnold to the General, in which he entered into de- 
tails to justify his treachery, and- a letter from the 
English commander, Robertson, who, in a very inso- 
lent manner, demanded that the Adjutant-General 
should be delivered up to them, as he had only acted 
with the permission of General Arnold. 

"The first care of the General has been to assemble 
at West Point the troops that, under various pre- 
tences, Arnold had dispersed. We remain here to 
l^ a tch over the safety of a fort, that the English 
may' respect less as \hov become better acquainted 
w*it-' Continent 'ps have been summoned 

i^ay determine Chnton 

e army has received 

anxph at a moment's warn- 

^om his boyhood is 
vviiiiuui t ise, luiicd it be the meteoric 

g^ar^ of ii>3 llrJl^Jlol^ ■ battle. He resembled in un- 



152 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tamed passions — destitution of manly principle — and 
entire recklessness of consequences, when selfish aims 
demanded the hazard of human well-being, a late dis- 
tinguished criminal, whose doom the traitor escaped. 
Both of whom are a perpetual warning to the youth 
of this, and other lands, to beware how they venture 
on the declivity of moral ruS. Never in the history 
of our country was the hand of God more visible, 
than in warding off from freedom's heart the deadly 
stab of this modern Judas. 

The fate of Andre has awakened a melancholy 
interest every where, though none doubt the propri- 
ety of the course taken by the American officers in 
the tragical result. Lafayette was one of the Board 
before whom the ill-fated spy appeared for trial, and 
from whom he received his sentence of condemna- 
tion. To the feeling and generous heart of the Mar- 
quis the performance of this sad duty occasioned se- 
verest pangs. With the other officers he felt inte- 
rested in the candor, openness, and magnanimity of 
Andre, but, with them, he was compelled to decide 
that this young and highly accomplished officer, who 
united the polish of a court, and the refinements of 
education, to the her 'flMH^' ^^ ^ 

as such worthy of Gladl} 

associates have seen tii ^ oi 

the guiltier head. 

The absence df someimng lo ao, ma n 
Lafayette. He had h- - ^^ '-• i^' W--^-'— ,^,^ 

this campaign sho"'- v,^.;,.. also 

close ; and it wat ^ season pasi 




M 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 153 

away without a signal stroke. The reinforcements 
which were joining the British fleet, prevented the 
attack upon New York, which had been proposed 
with so sanguine expectations. Then Lafayette pro- 
jected other exploits for himself. On the 26th of 
October he undertook to surprise the enemy's post 
upon Staten Island, but was checked by the failure 
of those whose duty it was to provide the boats, and 
make other provisions for the passage of the troops. 
Mortified, but not disheartened, on the 30th October, 
he urged upon General Washington an attack upon 
the upper posts of the enemy at New York. Wash- 
ington had before contemplated this enterprise, but 
both he and the Marquis were forced to relinguish 
it. Said Washington *'we must consult our means 
rather than our wishes, and not endeavor to better our 
affairs by attempting things which, for want of success, 
may make them worse." Abandoning this, Lafayette 
next petitions to join General Greene, who had lately 
been appointed to the command of the southern army, 
hoping that he might there find active service. He \ 
wrote a long letter to Greene, who, in reply, gave him 
a sad account of the prospect before him, in that direc- 
tion. " Were you to arrive," said he, *' you would 
find a few ragged, half-starved troops in the wilder- 
ness, destitute of every thing necessary for either the 
comfort or convenience of soldiers. The department 
is in a most deplorable condition, nor have I a prospect 
of its mending. The country is almost laid waste, and 
the inhabitants plunder one another with little less than 
savage fury. We live from hand to mouth, and have f 



154 LIFE OF GENERAL 

■nothing to subsist on but what we collect with armed 
parties. In this situation, I believe you will agree with 
me that there is nothing inviting this way, especially 
when I assure you our whole force, fit for duty, that 
are properly clothed and equipped, does not amount to 
eight hundred men." This did not frighten Lafayette. 
The army at the north had now gone into winter 
quarters, his corps of light infantry had been disbanded, 
and he saw no means of occupying the time which to 
him was so precious except by going south. " I hate 
the idea,'' said he to Washington, " of being from you 
for so long a time, but I think I ought not to be idle." 

Before giving him permission, Washington advised 
him to proceed to Philadelphia, and take charge of 
some transactions there. This was early in Decem- 
ber, and Lafayette remained there during the whole 
of that month, communicating to Washington almost 
daily such intelligence as he received, and freely con- 
sulting with him respecting future plans. At length, 
upon a renewed suggestion, Washington gave him 
leave to join General Greene, should there be no call 
for him at the north. In one of the letters of Wash- 
ington to Lafayette, written while the Marquis was in 
Philadelphia, is the following passage, illustrating the 
great embarrassment which still existed in the fi- 
nances of the army. " The Chevalier de Luzerne's 
dispatches came in time for the post, which is the only 
means left me for the conveyance of letters, there not 
being so much money in the hands of the quar- 
ter-master-general, (I believe I might go farther and 
say, in those of the whole army,) as would bear the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 155 

expense of an express to Rhode Island. I could not 
get one the other day to ride as far as Pompton !" 
The hardships of the troops endured so long, continued 
unabated. Without money and almost unclad and 
unfed, their situation was distressing. With a patriot- 
ism stronger than love of hfe, their present sufferings 
appeared hopeless and needless. With too much jus- 
tice they began to entertain the opinion that Congress 
was culpably responsible for their privations, and 
having suffered them so long, a part of the troops 
determined to take redress into their hands. This was 
the origin of the famous mutiny at Morristown. On 
the night of the 1st January, 1781, the Pensylvannia 
line, stationed for the winter at that place, rose in an 
open and almost universal revolt. They stated their 
grievances as having been borne till they were now 
past endurance, and avowed their determination of 
marching to the seat of Congress, and forcing redress. 
The authority of General Wayne, their commanding 
officer, availed nothing for a time, in quelling the re- 
bellion, and the mutineers, consisting of thirteen hun- 
dred men, marched towards Princeton. Congress, 
made to understand at last the effects of its miserable 
indifference, appointed commissioners to treat with the 
troops, and requested Lafayette with General St. Clair 
and Col. Laurens, to repair to Princeton, and aid in 
the w^ork of pacification. By the exertions of these 
officers, and the judicious intervention of Wayne, the 
disturbance was at length subdued ; but not till its 
existence had awakened a new and dark apprehension 

in the breast of everv friend of American liberty. 

'11 




156 LIFE OF GENERAL 

From Princeton Lafayette proceeded to headquar- 
ters, and rejoined Washington on the 11th of January. 
Here these two devoted men with courage still unwa- 
vering, watched for light upon the darkening heavens. 
In every direction, they saw only the blackness of 
despair. The dawn of the last campaign was sadly 
contrasted with the gloom which hung around its close. 
The next campaign could not be undertaken with the 
elighest hope of success, unless new supplies could be 
obtained from some source. With this viev^ the minds 
of Washington and Lafayette again turned to France, 
and Congress was induced to appoint a new commis- 
sioner to the court of Versailles, for the purpose of 
making one more effort to obtain from the ministry 
the help which was needed. Colonel Laurens, one of 
Washington's aids-de-camp, was appointed, and, before 
leaving, received the instructions of the Commander- 
in-Chief, and a letter which he wrote to Franklin, 
detailing with great force and ability, the state and 
resources of the country, with its present urgent v^ants. 
Lafayette also sent by him a letter to the Count de 
Vergennes, expressing his own views, and pleading 
earnestly the cause of the country. The following 
extracts from this letter show that his solicitude was 
as earnest as ever. 

" The last campaign took place without a shilling 
having been spent. All that credit, persuasion and 
force could achieve, has been done, but that can hold 
out no longer ; that miracle of which I believe no 
similar example can be found, cannot be renewed, and 
our exertions having been made to obtain an army for 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 157 

the war, we must depend on you to enable us to make 
use of it. 

" From my peculiar situation, Sir, and from what it 
has enabled me to know and see, I think it is my duty 
to call your attention to the American soldiers, and 
the part they must take in the operations of the next 
campaign. The continental troops have as much 
courage and real discipline as those that are opposed 
to them. They are more inured to privation, more 
patient than Europeans, who, on these two points, 
cannot be compared to them. They have several 
officers of great merit, without mentioning those who 
have served during the last wars, and from their own 
talents have acquired knowledge intuitively. They 
have been formed by the daily experience of several 
campaigns, in which, the armies being small, and the 
country a rugged one, all the battalions of the Hne 
were obliged to serve as advanced guards and light 
troops. The recruits whom we are expecting, and 
who only bear, in truth, the name of recruits, have 
frequently fought battles in the same regiments which 
they are now reentering, and have seen more gunshots 
than three-fourths of the European soldiers. As to the 
militia, they are only armed peasants, who have occa- 
sionally fought, and who are not deficient in ardor and 
discipline, but whose services would be the most useful 
in the labors of a siege. This, Sir, is the faithful pic- 
ture that I think myself obliged to send you, and which 
is w^t my interest to paint in glowing colors, because 
it would be more glorious to succeed with slighter 
means. The Chevalier de la Luzerne, who, having 



158^ LIFE OF GENERAL 

himself seen our soldiers, will give you a detailed and 
disinterested account of them, will doubtless tell you 
as I do, that you may depend upon our regular troops. 
The result of this digression, Sir, is to insist still more 
earnestly on the necessity of sending money to put the 
American troops in movement, and to repeat that well 
known truth, that a pecuniary succor and a naval 
superiority must be the two principal objects of the 
next campaign." 

By the same messenger he also writes to Madame 
Lafayette; — "The Americans continue to testify for 
me the greatest kindness. There is no proof of affec- 
tion and kindness which I do not receive each day from 
the army and nation. I experience for the American 
officers and soldiers that friendship which arises from 
having shared with them, for a length of time, dangers, 
sufferings, and both good and evil fortune. We began 
by struggling together, for our affairs have often been 
at the lowest possible ebb. It is gratifying to me to 
crown this work with them by giving the European 
troops a high idea of the soldiers who have been 
formed with us. To all these motives of interest for 
the cause and the army, are joined my sentiments of 
regard for General Washington." In the same letter 
he also writes: — "Embrace our children a thousand 
and a thousand times for me. Their father, although 
a wanderer, is not less tender, nor less constantly occu- 
pied with them, and not less happy at reciving news 
from them. My heart dwells with peculiar delight on 
the moment when those dear children will be pre- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 159 

sented to me by you, and when we can embrace 
and caress them together." 

Although recent transactions had temporarily driven 
from Lafayette's mind his southern plans, events that 
were now transpiring gave him an opportunity for 
renewing the consideration of them, though in a dif- 
ferent light than before. Arnold, whose villainy had 
been rewarded by the commission of Brigadier-Gene- 
ral in the British service, at the head of sixteen hun- 
dred men, was now ravaging the lower part of Vir- 
ginia. His spirit burning with resentment, spent its 
bitterness in acts of unparalleled atrocity. Wherever 
he went, the fire and the sword ' marked his path with 
devastation. Gloating over the butchery of the de- 
fenceless, his demoniac heart drank joy from the cup 
of horror which he pressed to the lips of the helpless 
inhabitants in every place through which he marched. 
Property which could not be pillaged was destroyed ; 
both the old and the young of either sex fell alike the 
victims of his fiendish barbarity. The Baron Steuben^ 
with his small division, could do no more than occa- 
sionally check his ravages, and Washington saw the 
propriety and importance of detaching a larger force 
to that scene of warfare. As soon as he learned the 
position of things m Virginia, his mind formed a design 
for the capture of Arnold. The French fleet, which 
had been blockaded in Newport, was now freed by a 
violent storm dispersing the British fleet at Gardner's 
Bay with great loss. Availing himself of this release, 
Washington applied to the Admiral for cc'iperation 



160 LIFE OF GENERAL 

in an expedition against Arnold. His plan was to 
send Lafayette with a detachment of twelve hundred 
men, drafted for that purpose from the lines of New 
England and New Jersey, to the head of the Chesa- 
peake, where they were to embark under convoy of 
a French frigate, which he expected to obtain, for 
Virginia. To succeed, and bring the traitor to jus- 
tice, was Washington's intense desire. To ensure 
success, he urged the enlistment of the whole fleet in 
the enterprize, and that a thousand men should be 
embarked for the service. This would doubtless have 
resulted in the capture of Arnold, but the French 
officers refused to join with so large a detachment. 
Contrary to the opinion of Washington, they thought 
a smaller force was abundantly adequate, and accor- 
dingly, on the 9th of February, a sixty-four gun ship 
with two frigates under Monsieur de Tilley, sailed for 
the Chesapeake. Arriving there, he found, as Wash- 
ington had foreseen, Arnold entrenched in a position 
secure against any mere naval force, and without 
attempting to assail it, de Tilley immediately returned 
to Newport, having been absent only fifteen days. 

The General and Admiral determined to renew the 
expedition, according to the suggestion of Washington, 
who left his camp and hastened to consult with those 
officers in person upon the affair. The Admiral as- 
sured him that he would proceed to cooperate with 
Lafayette's detachment with the entire fleet, to which 
Count Rochambeau promised to add 1100 men from 
his land forces. This was what Washington desired, 
and having made the important arrangement, r^eturned 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 161 

to head quarters. The fleet sailed on the 8th of 
March. It was commanded by Admiral Destouches, 
who had succeeded the Chevalier de Terney, that 
officer having died on the 15th of December previous. 

Meanwhile Lafayette, at the head of a choice de- 
tachment, arrived at the head of the Elk, on the 3d 
of March.' From this point he embarked his troops 
for Annapolis, whence he proceeded to Williamsburgh, 
where the Baron Steuben held his head quarters. 
After having consulted with him, he tarried for several 
days, hoping to hear of the frigate which was to con- 
vey him to Virginia. From Williamsburgh, on the 
23d of March, he writes to General Washington : 

"On my arrival at this place, 1 was surprised to 
hear that no French fleet had appeared, but attributed 
it to delays and chances so frequent in naval matters. 
My first object was to request that nothing be taken 
for this expedition which could have been intended for 
or useful to the southern army, whose^welfare ap- 
peared to me more interesting than our success. My 
second object has been to examine what has been pre- 
pared, to gather and forward every requisite for a 
vigorous cooperation, besides a number of militia, 
amounting to five thousand ; and I can assure your 
Excellency that nothing has been wanting to ensure a 
complete success. 

*'As the position of the enemy had not yet been 
reconnoitered, I went to General Muhlenberg's camp, 
near Suffolk, and after he had taken a position nearer 
to Portsmouth, we marched down with some troops 
to view the enemy's works. .This brought on a tri- 



162 LIFE OF general' 

fling skirmish, during which we wjere able to see 
sonnething, but the insufficiency of ammunition, which 
had been for many days expected, prevented my en- 
gaging far enough to push the enemy's outposts, and 
our reconnoitering was postponed to the 21st, when on 
the 20th, Major McPherson, an officer for whom I 
have the highest confidence and esteem, sent me word 
from Hampton, where he was stationed, that a fleet 
had come to anchor within the capes. So far it was 
probable that this fleet was that of M. Destouches, that 
Arnold himself appeared to be in great confusion, and 
his vessels, notwithstanding many signals, durst not 
for a long time venture down." 

Lafayette had been advised of the contemplated ex- 
pedition, but as part of his dispatches had failed to 
reach him, he was left in great uncertainty. At length 
he received intelligence from Washington more defi- 
nitely, and was ordered to hold himself ready to unite 
with them upon their arrival. The fleet sailed on the 
8th, but two days afterwards it was followed by the 
re-collected British fleet under Arbuthnot, who had 
orders to frustrate the eflbrts of the allied armies. 
Destouches was overtaken off the capes of Virginia, 
and a naval engagement ensued. The result was not 
decisive, the damage being about equal on both, sides. 
The French Admiral called a council the next day, 
deciding that it was unadvisable to renew the action, 
and accordingly sailed back to Newport, leaving La- 
fayette to his fate, and the expedition against Arnold 
to prove an entire failure. 

The Marquis had received with joy the tidings 



MAKQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 1C3 

which Major McPherson had given him, of the naval 
strength at hand, but a few hours changed it to dismal 
apprehension. After the French had gone, the British 
entered and took undisputed possession of Chesapeake 
Bay. It was this fleet instead of the French which 
McPherson had seen, and Lafayette was not long in 
making the discovery. Washington, as soon as he 
had learned the sailing of Arbuthnot, sent word, but 
this failed to reach the Marquis, and he was unap- 
prised of his danger till suddenly it was before him, 
threatening ruin. His situation now was an exceed- 
ingly critical one. He hastened to Annapolis, where 
his troops were stationed, and made preparations for 
their return to the head of the Elk. This was now 
no easy matter. To return by land was perilous, and 
the harbor was blockaded by two of the enemy's ves- 
sels, which apparently rendered their escape by water 
impossible. But Lafayette was not the man to be dis- 
couraged. His spirit rose with the difficulties which 
surrounded him, and in the desperate game which was 
now before him, he determined to win the stakes, fear- 
ful as were the odds against him. He gave orders to 
commence a land march in ten days. At the same time 
he was busy in devising a passage for the troops by 
water. For this purpose he executed a bold and in- 
genious manoeuvre. He mounted two guns upon a 
small sloop, and filling this and another vessel with 
men, he gave them in charge to Commodore Nichol- 
son, ordering him to sail out boldly towards the two 
blockading ships, and make demonstrations as though 
about to board them. The result was fully successful. 



164 LIFE OF GENERAL 

The enemy, surprised at this daring, and apprehending 
the force of their opponents was much greater than 
they had suspected, weighed anchor and immediately 
retreated. This was what Lafayette desired, and 
when night came he took advantage of it. The ves- 
sels which had transported him to AnnapoHs, were 
refilled with the troops and stores, and under cover of 
darkness sailed out of the harbor. The Marquis in a 
sloop brought up the rear, and on the morning of the 
8th of April, they safely moored in the Elk. 

We cannot fail to admire the sagacity again dis- 
played by this commander. We are now about to 
enter upon an era of his life in which his singular fore- 
sight and prudence, are exhibited in a still clearer light. 
The name of Lafayette, said another, was never tar- 
nished by a single military blunder. This is the distin- 
guishing glory of the Marquis as a military hero. He 
had a courage which could face danger and death 
unappalled, and which gave calmness amid the most 
terrific battles; but others have possessed this trait in 
an equal degree. Rarely, however, has it been com- 
bined with so much finesse and facility for extricating 
an army from perils which would have repelled veterans 
in the stratagem of war. 

At the head of the Elk, Lafayette met a dispatch, 
which Washington hoped would reach him at Anna- 
polis, ordering him to repair with his detachment to 
the south, and join General Gi^ene as soon as possible. 
Cornwallis and Greene were operating in the Carolinas. 
To reinforce Arnold and make a junction with Corn- 
wallis, as Washington supposed, Sir Henry Clinton had 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 165 

sent out General Phillips with two thousand men to 
Virginia, and their arrival changed the destination of 
Lafayette. He was ordered " to proceed to Virginia, 
to take the command of the troops collected and col- 
lecting for its protection, and to prevent if possible the 
meditated descent of Phillips or his junction with Corn- 
wallis." He accordingly took up his line of march, and 
started for Baltimore. But before proceeding far, he 
encountered trouble unknown before. The troops 
under his command began to express their open dissa- 
tisfaction at the hardships they endured. Their trials 
were severe. *' Without tents, — for many, even of 
the officers, slept in the open air; — their shoes worn 
out, — their hats lost in their repeated voyages; — in a 
state — as the Marquis expresses it — * of shocking 
nakedness,' — not the least particle of baggage attend- 
ing their march, — no provision made for a protracted 
absence from their wives and families, many of whom 
had joined them and been left at their winter quar- 
ters; — murmuring at being thus hurried off without 
notice to prepare for the service; — reasonably fearing 
that their destination was to serve in a climate which 
they dreaded, and supported by the general pity which 
their case excited; — such was the temper of his army, 
that many of the officers assured the Marquis, that it 
would speedily be reduced to one-half by desertion." 
Lafavette himself, while on his wav to Baltimore, com- 
municates to Washington this condition of things, and 
after stating the distress of the soldiers adds: — " While 
I was writing this, accounts have been brought to me, 
that a great desertion had taken place last night; nine 



166 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of the Rhode Island company, and the best men they 
had, who have made many campaigns, and never were 
suspected; These men say they Hke better a hundred 
lashes than a journey southward. As long as they had 
an expedition in view, they were very well satisfied, 
but the idea of remaining in the Southern States, 
appears to them intolerable, and they are amazingly 
averse to the people and the chmate. I shall do my 
best, but if this disposition lasts, I am afraid we shall 
be reduced lower than I dare express." 

To render the prospect still more hopeless, advices 
were received from the Board of War, that they were 
utterly unable to remedy the wretchedness of the 
troops. Thus thrown entirely upon himself, Lafayette 
issued an order, in which, after sympathizing with 
their hardships, he told them he was about to enter 
upon an enterprise of great difficulty and danger, in 
which he was confident his soldiers would readily join 
him. He assured them, however, that if any were 
unwilling to accompany him, a free permit should be 
given them to rejoin their corps in the north, and that 
by making an application to him they could thus be 
saved from the crime and disgrace of desertion. The 
success of this plan was marked and immediate. De- 
sertion ceased at once. A new spirit instantly spread 
through the troops. Lafayette assured Marshall that 
such was the enthusiasm of the moment, that a lame 
sergeant hired a place in a cart to keep up with the 
army. On reaching Baltimore, Lafayette added to 
this measure another with yet greater effect. From 
the merchants of this city he borrowed upon his own 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 16T 

credit ten thousand dollars, which he did not hesitate 
in appropriating to the supply of the necessary wants 
of his soldiers. In a letter to General Greene he 
says, — "As our brave and excellent men (for this 
detachment is exceedingly good) are shockingly desti- 
tute of Knen, I have borrowed from the merchants of 
Baltimore a sum on my credit, which will amount to 
about two thousand pounds, and will procure a few 
hats, some shoes, some blankets, and a pair of linen 
overalls, to each man. I hope to set the Baltimore 
ladies* at work upon the shirts, which will be sent 
after me, and the overalls will be made by our tailors. 
I will use my influence to have the money added to 
the loan which the French court have made to the 
United States, and in case I cannot succeed, bind my- 
self to the merchants for payment with interest, in two 
years." The President of the Baltimore Board of 
War also wrote to General Greene upon the same sub- 
ject. "While I admire your policy," said he, "I have 
more than once pitied the Marquis' situation. His 
troops passed here yesterday, discontented almost to 
general desertion; — destitute of shirts, and proper 
equipments, and in most respects, unprovided for a 
march. You know the Marquis. He has been with us 
but two days, but in this time he adopted an expedient 
to conciliate them to a degree, which no one but him- 
self would have thought of. To day, April 16th, 1781, 
he signs a 'contract, binding himself to certain mer- 



* This was done. Every fair hand in Baltimore promptly aided iu 
preparing his purchases for immediate use. 



168 LIFE OF GENERAL 

chants of this place, for above two thousand guineaSy 
to be disposed of in shirts, overalls, and hats, for the 
detachment. Without these the army could not pro- 
ceed; and with these he has managed to reconcile 
them to the service. He is also bent upon trying the 
power of novelty on their minds, by giving to the 
march the air of a frolic. His troops will ride in wa- 
gons and carts, from Elkbridge landing to the limits of 
this state, and how much further he will continue this 
mode of movement depends upon Virginia." 

Lafayette now proceeded onward in fine spirits 
towards Virginia. Phillips and the Traitor were carry- 
ing on their work of devastation and pillage in this 
state almost without interruption. Ten thousand hogs- 
heads of tobacco were destroyed by the doughty 
Phillips in his predatory excursions. Baron Steuben 
was unable to check him, and as Lafayette learned 
that the British were ascending the James River, he 
judged that their destination was Richmond and directed 
his own course thither. The chief proportion of the 
mihtary stores of the state were collected at this place, 
a fact that both Lafayette and the British General well 
understood. Phillips and Arnold having separated 
their forces for the purpose of carrying on their law- 
less work against defenceless women and tobacco 
warehouses, re-united their divisions on the 29th of 
April at, Manchester, a small village on the south side 
of James River, but within sight of the metropolis. 
Their plans were laid for an attack upon Richmond 
the next day. But in this they reckoned without their 
host. Lafayette, with the celerity which usually 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 169 

attended his movements, arrived at the city, and took 
possession of it the same day that his enemies on the 
opposite side of the River, were planning its destruc- 
tion for the morrow's pastime. 

The 30th of April dawned, and Lafayette, upon 
enumerating his forces, knew the enemy could not 
drive him from his position. He was here joined by 
Baron Steuben, with his corps of regular troops, and 
by General Nelson with a division of the Virginia mi- 
litia, making in all about a thousand regulars, two 
thousand militia and sixty dragoons now under his com- 
mand. The British force exceeded this, but he did 
not doubt his abihty to maintain his ground. Prepara- 
tions were making by General Phillips to cross over 
and ravage the place, when upon reconnoitering he 
found to his surprise and anger that Lafayette was 
already in possession of the city. The rage of the 
British General upon discovering this, knew no bounds. 
With passionate vehemence he swore that he would 
have vengeance. Attempting to cross over the river 
with a body of his men, he was repulsed and forced to 
bear his disappointment, making a precipitate retreat. 

The events which occurred subsequently to these 
transactions are best related by Lafayette himself, and 
we quote accordingly from him. Writing to General 
Washington under date of May 18th, he thus gives a 
statement of events up to that time: 

" When General Phillips retreated from Richmond, 
his project was to stop at Williamsburg, there to col- 
lect contributions which he had imposed. This induced 
me to take a position between Pamunkey and Chicca- 



no XIFE OF GENERAL 

homony rivers, which equally covered Richmond and 
some other interesting parts of the state, and from 
where I detached General Nelson with some mihtia 
towards Williamsburg. 

" Having got as low down as that place, General 
Phillips seemed to discover an intention to make a land- 
ing, but upon advices received by a vessel from Ports- 
mouth, the enemy weighed anchor, and, with all the 
sail they could crowd, hastened up the river. This 
intelligence made me apprehensive that the enemy in- 
tended to manoeuvre me out of Richmond, where I re- 
turned immediately, and again collected our small 
force. Intelligence was the same day received that 
Lord Cornwallis — who I had been assured to have em- 
barked at Wilmington — was marching through North 
Carolina. This was confirmed by the landing of Gene- 
ral Phillips at Brandon, south side of James River. 
Apprehending that both armies would meet at a central 
point, I marched towards Petersburg and intended to 
have established a communication over Appamatox and 
James Rivers; — but on the 9th General Phillips took 
possession of Petersburg, a place where his right flank 
be'ing covered by James River, his front by Appamatox 
on which the brigades had been destroyed in the first 
part of the invasion, and his left not being attackable 
but by a long circuit through fords, that at this season 
are very uncertain, I could not — even with an equal 
force — have got any chance of fighting him, unless! 
had given up this side of James River, and the country 
from which reinforcements are expected. It being the 
enemy's clioice to force us to an action, while their 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 171 

own position ensured them against our enterprises, I 
thought it proper to shift this situation, and marched 
the greater part of our troops to this place,* about ten 
miles below Richmond. Letters from General Nash, 
General Jones and General Sumner are positive as to 
the arrival of Colonel Tarleton, and announce that of 
Lord Cornwallis at Halifax. Having received a re- 
quest from North Carolina for ammunition, I made a 
detachment of five hundred men under General Muh- 
lenburg, to escort twenty thousand cartridges over 
Appamatox, and, to divert the enemy's attention, 
Colonel Gimat, with his battalion, and four field pieces, 
commanded their position from this side of the river. 
I hope our ammunition will arrive safe, as before Ge- 
neral Muhlenburg returned he put it in a safe road^ 
with proper directions. On the 13th General Phillips 
died, and the command devolved on General Arnold. 
General Wayne's detachment has not yet been heard 
from. Before he arrives, it becomes very dangerous 
to risk an engagement, where — as the British armies 
are vastly superior to us — we shall certainly be beaten, 
and by the loss of arms, the dispersion of militia, and 
the difficulty of a junction with General Wayne, we 
may lose a less dangerous chance of resistance." 

liafayette, with an eye open to the full nature of his 
situation, improved the time in his present camp to the 
best advantage. In a number of ways he exerted him- 
self to increase the strength of his army. He fostered 
their pride and their patriotism, gave them new proofs 



* Welton. on the nortli side of James River. 
12 



172 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of his kindness, and thus increased their attachment 
to him, and kept alive in their breasts detestation 
of the gross outrages which the foe was daily com- 
mitting upon their unoffending countrymen. He esta- 
blished order after the most rigid system through the 
several departments of his corps, and prepared them 
to act with efficiency and celerity at a moment's 
warning. Before the death of General Phillips, a 
correspondence was commenced between him and the 
Marquis relative to the exchange of prisoners, and 
after the death of that officer, Arnold desired to con- 
tinue the negotiations. The soul of the high-minded 
Lafayette shrunk as from a viper, w^hen a letter from 
him was sent, under cover of a flag of truce, to his 
camp. He did not touch the communication, but 
while he positively assured the bearer that he would 
hold no correspondence with its author, he signified 
to him that " in case any other English officer should 
honor him with a letter, he would always be happy to 
give the officers every testimony of esteem." Gene- 
ral Washington highly approved of this refusal. 
" Your conduct," writes he to Lafayette, '^ upon every 
occasion meets my approbation, but in none more 
than in your refusing to hold correspondence with 
Arnold," 

The Traitor did not long continue in the supreme 
command. Lord Cornwallis arrived in Virginia, and 
formed a junction with Arnold at Petersburg on the 
20th of May, His plan was the conquest of that 
colony, and he immediately began his offensive move- 
ments against Lafayette. Cornwallis was no ordinary 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 173 

man. After Sir William Howe had returned to Eng- 
land, he was left the most accomplished General of 
the British service in America. As a man, he was 
high-minded and honorable ; as a soldier, he was 
brave and courageous ; as an officer, he united sin- 
gular sagacity to an energy which the severest diffi- 
culties failed to subdue, and a skill which often turned 
a seeming overthrow into a victory, winning a proud 
triumph from the very jaws of a disgraceful defeat. 
In battle he was always cool and collected, guiding 
the contest, himself above the fury of the elements, 
which yielded to his control, though they disturbed 
not his tranquillity. No ravage or pillage like that 
which had just dishonored the British arms in Vir- 
ginia, was allowed under his command. He came 
to fight with soldiers, and not to lay the sword against 
defenseless women, weak old men, and children. An 
outrage committed by some of his troops on his march 
from Wilmington to Petersburg, such an one as Phil- 
lips and Arnold had often instigated and gloated over, 
was at once punished by Cornwallis, who caused the 
immediate execution of the chief offenders. Had Sir 
Henry Clinton possessed a tithe of his talents, Corn- 
wallis would never have met with his fate at York- 
town. Clinton, weak-minded and short-sighted, fell 
into a snare into which all the wisdom of Washington 
could not have entrapped Cornwallis. 

The superiority of Cornwallis to Lafayette in the 
number of his troops was immense. His field force 
was not less than eight thousand men, while that of 
Lafayette did not exceed four thousand. To add to 



n4 "^^-^IFE OF GENERAL 

the advantage of the British General, he had four 
hundred dragoons, and nearly twice that number of 
mounted infantry, while fully three-fourths of La- 
fayette's men were raw militia. All this, while it in- 
creased to a certainty Cornwallis' anticipations of cap- 
turing Lafayette, did not dismay his foe. He had 
before escaped, and believed he should now. The 
efforts of Cornwallis were immediate and active. On 
the 24th of May he crossed the James River at the 
head of all his troops, and made his first direct ad- 
vance upon Lafayette. The Marquis had retreated 
to Richmond, but he was there totally unable to meet 
the enemy. " Were I any ways equal to the enemy," 
he writes to Washington, *' I should be extremely 
happy ; but I am not strong enough even to get 
beaten. The Government in this State has no energy, 
and the laws have no force ; but I hope the present 
Assembly will put matters on a better footing. , I had 
a great deal of trouble to put things in a tolerable 
train ; our expenses were enormous, and yet we can 
get nothing. Arrangements for the present would 
seem to put on a better face, but for this superiority 
of the enemy, which will chase us wherever they 
please. They can overrun the country, and, until the 
Pennsylvanians arrive, we are next to nothing in point 
of opposition to so large a force. This country be- 
gins to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen. 
Our soldiers are hitherto very healthy. I have turned 
doctor, and regulate their diet." 

CornwalHs passed the James River at Westover, 
and the same day Lafayette abandoned Richmond. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 175 

Removing the most valuable military stores of that 
town to a place of safety, he fell behind the Chicca- 
homony River, and took the road towards Fredericks- 
burg. His main object now was to avoid the enemy, 
and keep open his communication with the north, till 
he could form a junction with the Pennsylvania line 
under General Wayne, which was now marching down 
to his aid. At Westover Cornwallis received a re- 
inforcement from New York, and from this place he 
started in pursuit of the Marquis, all confident of suc- 
cess. " The hoy cannot escape me," he wrote in an in- 
tercepted letter, and few in the country when they 
learned the condition of the two parties, thought other- 
wise. The "&o?/," all at once, become the center of, 
the deepest interest. The news of his slender force 
together with the ability and strength of Cornwallis, 
awakened an intense apprehension wherever hearts 
were found which desired his success. 

All eyes were now turned towards Virginia ; and 
Lafayette, in proud consciousness of the interest he 
was exciting, the more resolutely determined to tri- 
umph. No excitement can be traced in any of his 
letters during this period. He seems coolly to have 
extricated himself from his various difficulties as fast 
as they arose, and as calmly to have narrated them. 
Witness the following, addressed to General Greene, 
dated at his camp, June 3d: 

**Lord Cornwallis had at first a project to cross 
above Richmond, but desisted from it and landed at 
Westover. He then proposed to turn our left flank, 
but before it was executed we moved by the left to 



176 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the forks of Chiccahomony. The enemy advanced 
twelve miles, and we retreated in the same proportioa 
They crossed Chiccahomony and advanced on the road 
to Fredericksburg, while we marched in a parallel 
with them, keeping the upper part of the country. 
Our position at Mattapony church would have much 
exposed the enemy's flank on their way to Fredericks- 
burg, but they stopped at Cook's ford on the North 
Anna River, where they are for the present. General 
Wayne having announced to me his departure on the 
23d, I expected before this time to have made a junc- 
tion with him. We have moved back some distance, 
and are cautious not to indulge Lord Cornwallis with 
an action with our present force. 

" The intentions of the enemy are not as yet well 
explained. Fredericksburg appeared to be their object, 
the more so as a greater number of troops are said to 
have gone down than is necessary for the garrison of 
Portsmouth. The public stores have been as well as 
possible removed, and every part of Hunter's works 
that could be, taken out of the way. It is possible 
they mean to make a stroke towark Charlotteville, and 
this I would not have been uneasy for,' had my re- 
peated directions been executed. But instead of re- 
moving stores from there to Albemarle old Court 
House, where Baron de Steuben has collected six 
hundred regulars, and where I ordered the militia 
south of James River to rendezvous, — it appears from 
a letter I received this evening, that state stores have 
been, contrary to my directions, collected there, lest 
they should mix with the continentals ; — but my for- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 177 

mer letters were so positive, and my late precautions 
are so multiplied, that I hope the precious part of the 
stores will have been removed to a safer place. I had 
also some stores removed from Orange Court House. 
Dispatches from the Governor to me have fallen into 
the enemy's hands ; — of which I gave him and the 
Baron immediate notice. 

" The enemy must have five hundred men mounted, 
and their cavalry increases daily. It is impossible in 
this country to take horses out of their way, and the 
neglect of the inhabitants, dispersion of houses, and 
robberies of negroes, — should even the most vigorous 
measures have been taken by the civil authorities, — 
would have yet put many horses into their hands. 
Under this cloud of light troops it is difficult to re- 
connoitre, as well as counteract any rapid movements 
they choose to make." 

It was not long before Cornwallis with great cha- 
grin saw that the " boy " was successfully eluding his 
grasp. The distance between them daily increased, 
notwithstanding all the efforts made by the British 
General to overtake his foe. With a rapidity only 
equalled by his caution, Lafayette had passed the 
Pamunkey before the British army had reached the 
Chiccahomony, and Cornwallis, after marching some 
distance up the northern side of Northanora, found 
that the Marquis would make his junction with Wayne 
in spite of him, and gave over the heat of his pursuit 
while he turned his attention to other objects which 
were more attainable. Lafayette, however, did not 
relax his vigilance. A close watch of his adversary i 



178 LIFE OF GENERAL 

enabled him to foresee and thereby frustrate some of 
his most important plans. Cornwallis found himself 
harassed and frequently outwitted, exceedingly to his 
mortification. He dispatched Tarleton to capture the 
Assembly of Virginia, which was then in Session at 
Charlotteville ; but before Tarleton could get there, 
Lafayette had contrived to forward the information, 
and when the British arrived, — the birds had Jloivn. 
Colonel Simcoe was sent against Baron Steuben, who 
defended the military stores at the Point of Fork, but 
before his arrival, the Baron had removed the stores 
to another place, and saved himself by a hasty retreat. 
Lafayette watching every attempt like these, endea- 
vored to defeat them, while, having crossed the Ra- 
pidan, he awaited the junction with Wayne. 

General Wayne, with the Pennsylvannia line, con- 
sisting of about eight hundred men, at length joined 
him. Though this addition left the force of Lafayette 
still feeble, in comparison with that of Cornwallis, it 
was yet sufficient to determine him upon a new course 
of action. The Pursued would become the Pursuer. 
He had fled long enough, too long to suit his own 
temper, and now, emboldened by his reinforcement, 
he recrossed the Rapidan, and moved forward upon 
the enemy. Upon his retreat from Richmond, he had 
removed the valuable military stores from that place 
up the river, and deposited them principally at Albe- 
marle old Court House. In order to capture these, 
Lord Cornwallis was directing his march towards this 
place, when Lafayette, far in his rear, crossed the 
Rapidan. So quick were the evolutions of the Mar- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 179 

quis, that he came and encamped within a few miles 
of the British army, while they were yet a full day's 
march from Albemarle. To gain this place before 
Cornwallis could reach it, was now the bold scheme 
of the Marquis, but the game was a difficult one. 
Cornwallis, whose army occupied and fully com- 
manded the road leading to that place, smiled at the 
eagerness of his youthful foe, and laid an easy plan 
to entrap him. Being at no loss to understand what 
the design of Lafayette must be, he drew off the main 
body of his troops, and encamped at Elk Island, while 
he advanced his hght troops to a position upon the 
road through which he presumed his enemy must pass. 
This was on the fourteenth of June, and never was 
a fowler after having carefully spread his net, surer 
of his prey, than Cornwallis as he laid down to rest 
that night. His mortification and disappointment, 
therefore, knew no bounds when he arose the next 
morning and found his young but gallant adversary 
in front of him, on the direct road to Albemarle, from 
which he would not be tempted, and could not be 
easily forced to leave. Cornwallis, in this, was mis- 
taken, as when he predicted the certain capture of 
the youthful commander ; who had in this instance 
proved himself fairly a match for the man. The dex- 
terity of Lafayette had completely baffled the cal- 
culations of Cornwallis. His vigilance had discovered 
a shorter road, which, as it had long been disused, had 
hitherto escaped observation. Lafayette opened this 
road on the same night that Cornwallis had planned 
his capture, and with cautious haste marched his 



180 LIFE OF GENERAL 

troops over it, crossed the Rivanna, and halted se- 
curely behind Mechunck's creek, on the direct route 
from the British camp to Albemarle. The whole 
records of the war scarcely show a more masterly 
movement than this. CornwalKs himself, despite his 
mortification, could not repress a thrill of admiration 
at this exploit of his gallant foe. He never afterward 
called him a hoy. 

Lafayette though elated was never vain from his 
successes. The self-complacency so often seen in 
military men, and the bombastic parade shown in the 
recital of their own exploits, never appeared in him. 
The reader must have noticed in his letters already 
quoted, the quiet unconcern with which he mentions 
his own performances, as if unconscious of their great- 
ness. With singular modesty he thus relates his last 
mentioned achievement: "In the mean time the Bri- 
tish army was moving to the Point of Fork, intending 
to strike our magazines at Albamarle old Court House. 
Our force was not equal to their defense, and a delay 
of our junction would have answered the views of the 
enemy. But on the arrival of the Pennsylvanians, 
we made forced marches toward James River, and on 
our gaining the South Anna, we found Lord Corn- 
wallis encamped some miles below the camp of Fork. 
A stolen march, through a difficult road, gave us a 
position upon Mechunck creek, between that of the 
enemy and our stores, where, agreeably to previous 
appointment, we were joined by a body of riflemen." 
Lord Cornwallis, over-estimating the force of the 
enemy, but chiefly in accordance with instructions 



MARQUIS BE LAFAYETTE. 181 

from Sir Henry Clinton, now abandoned his designs 
against Albemarle and began to retreat. On the 
fifteenth of June he proceeded to Westham and was 
closely followed by the Marquis. Cornwallis did not 
venture a single retrograde action, but proceeded care- 
fully forward to Richmond, which he entered the sub- 
sequent day. As he seemed disposed to halt here for 
a time, Lafayette took up his position on Allen's creek, 
about twenty-two miles from his lordship, where he 
quietly watched his foe. On the 18th, Cornwallis 
moved towards him, but again retired into the town 
without venturing an attack. On the 19th the Mar- 
quis was joined by the Baron Steuben, and on the fol* 
lowing night Richmond was evacuated, and Cornwalhs 
pursued his retreat. Lafayette at once broke up his 
encampment and started after them. ^'Having fol- 
lowed the enemy," says he, "our light parties fell in 
with them near New Kent Court House. The army 
was still at a distance, and Lord Cornwallis continued 
his route towards Williamsburg, his rear and right 
flank being covered by a large corps commanded by 
Colonel Simcoe. I pushed forward a detachment 
under Colonel Butler, but notwithstanding a fatiguing 
march, the Colonel reports that he could not have 
overtaken them, had not Major McPherson mounted 
fifty light infantry behind an equal number of dra- 
goons, which, coming, up with the enemy, charged 
them within six miles of Williamsburg. Such of the 
advanced corps as could arrive to their support, com- 
posed of riflemen, under Major Call and Major Willis, 
began a smart action. Enclosed is the return of our 



182 LIFE OF GENERAL 

loss.* That of the enemy is about sixty killed and 
one hundred wounded, including several officers, a 
disproportion which the skill of our riflemen easily 
explains. I am under great obligations to Colonel 
>t Butler and the officers and men of the detachment, for 
their ardor in the pursuit, and their conduct in the 
action. General Wayne, who had marched to the 
support of Butler, sent down some troops under Major 
Hamilton. The whole British army came out to save 
Simcoe, and on the arrival of our army upon this 
ground, returned to Williamsburg. The post they 
occupy at present is strong, and under protection of 
their shipping, but upwards of one hundred miles from 
the Point of Fork." 

Cornwallis was mortified at the result of this skir- 
mish, but would have felt it more keenly had he un- 
derstood the real inferiority of force which Lafayette 
possessed, and which was greatly exaggerated to 
Cornwallis by his skillful marches. His lordship's 
estimate while he was pursuing, was nearly correct, 
but he could not reconcile the great prudence which 
Lafayette had displayed in his flight, with the boldness 
he now manifested, except by supposing that he had 
received large reinforcements to his troops. " It has 
been a great secret," Lafayette afterwards writes to 
Washington, " that our army was not superior, and 
was most generally inferior to the enemy's numbers. 

• This was as follows: — two captains, two lieutenants, one ser- 
geant, ten privates, wounded ; two lieutenants, oiie sergeant, six privates, 
lolled ; one sergeant taken ; and one lieutenant and twelve privates 
whose fate was unknown. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 183 

Our returns were swelled up, as militia returns gene- 
rally are ; but we had very few under arms, particu- 
larly lately, and to conceal the lessening of our num- 
bers, I was obliged to push on as one who heartily 
wished a general engagement. Our regulars did not 
exceed one thousand five hundred ; while the enemy 
had four thousand regulars, four hundred of whom 
were mounted. They thought we had eight thousand 
men. I never encamped in line, and there was thus 
greater difficulty to come at our numbers." '' General 
Greene," he says in another letter, ''only demanded 
of me to hold my ground in Virginia ; but the move- 
ments of Lord Cornwallis may answer better pur- 
poses than that in the political Hne." 

Cornwallis now established himself at WilHamsburg, 
and Lafayette about twenty miles above, with the 
Chiccahomony between himself and his adversary. 
Neither party, however, remained in this position long. 
Sir Henry Clinton suspecting that a combined attempt 
was about to be made by the allied forces against New 
York, and deeming himself too weak to resist it, 
ordered Cornwallis to send him a detachment of the 
troops under his command in Virginia. After com- 
plying with this requisition, Cornwallis thought him- 
self not strong enough to remain at Williamsburg, 
and resolved to retire to Portsmouth. Accordingly, on 
the fourth of July, he marched from Williamsburg, and 
determining to cross the river at James' City Island, 
he encamped that day favorably for the passage. But 
before he was ready to move, his foe was near him. 
Lafayette left his camp on the fifth, crossed the Chic- 



184 LIFE OF GENERAL 

cahomony the same day, and pushed his best troops 
within eight miles of the British camp. He learned 
that Cornwallis was expecting to pass the river, and 
he at once formed the design of attacking his rear after 
the main body should have gone over to Jamestown. 
Cornwallis, however, suspected this. He knew that 
the ardor of Lafayette would not allow such an oppor- 
tunity to escape him, and as soon as he found that the 
Marquis was so near, he resolved to make one more 
trial of stratagem upon him. He took every measure 
to encourage his advance, but instead of passing the 
river, he waited an attack. At the same time he took 
measures to induce the belief, that he had crossed with 
the main body of his army. His light parties were 
all drawn in, his troops were held compact, and made 
to cover as little ground as possible, and his piquets, 
which lay close to the encampment, were ordered to 
yield at the first attack, and exhibit an appearance of 
disorder and alarm. To add to the deception, the 
intelligence was spread, that the greater part of the 
British had reached the island, and a few troops were 
stationed there, with orders to make such demonstra- 
tions as would corroborate this news. 

Lafayette was fully deceived. The plans of Corn- 
wallis were so complete, and were carried out so 
accurately, . that he could not perceive the snare. 
Every thing looked as he had anticipated ; after per- 
sonally reconnoitering the scene, and receiving all the 
intelligence he could meet, Lafayette, on the 6th of 
July, began his attack. A few riflemen were de- 
tached to harass the outposts of the enemy, while he 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 1^ 

advanced at the head of the continental troops to sup- 
port the onset. Every thing was conducted precisely 
as Cornv^rallis had planned. His piquets fell back in 
disorder, and thus drew on the Americans, emboldened 
by their success, in a rapid pursuit. The main body 
of Cornwallis' army was concealed by woods, and 
General Wayne, who was first in advance, soon dis- 
covered it moving out in order of battle against him. 
Retreat was impossible, and that brave officer, with a 
boldness almost without parallel, rode gallantly for- 
ward, with his eight hundred men, and made a furious 
attack upon the British line. The action was kept up 
with spirit for some time, while the British army was 
winding its fold like a serpent round the little band. 
Lafayette soon came up, and saw at a glance the 
crisis. The plan of Cornwallis was evident in a mo- 
ment, and perceiving that Wayne was outflanked right 
and left, and fast becoming surrounded, he ordered 
his retreat. A line of light infantry was drawn up 
about half a mile in his rear, and by a skillful move- 
ment Wayne was enabled to join these without serious 
loss. Here they remained for some hours, but the 
British army did not pursue. Cornwallis, who greatly 
overrated Lafayette's numbers, judged tharhis retreat 
was a stratagem to draw him into an ambuscade, and 
accordingly did not improve the advai^age he had 
gained. The loss of Lafayette in this action was one 
hundred and eighteen men, most of whom belonged 
to General Wayne's detachment. The conduct of this 
latter officer during the day was worthy of all praise! 
** It is enough," says Lafayette, " for the glory of 



186 LIFE OF GENERAL 

General Wayne, and the officers and men he com- 
manded, to have attacked the whole British army, 
with a reconnoitering party only, close to their en- 
campment, and by this severe skirmish, hastened their 
retreat over the river," 

During the night succeeding the action, the British 
proceeded to Jamestown, and soon after to the mouth 
of James river, CornwalHs encamping at Portsmouth. 
Lafayette followed, and halted in the vicinity, on Mai 
van Hill, where he allowed his harassed army some 
repose. Although, says Marshall, no brilHant service 
was performed during this campaign, yet it greatly 
enhanced Lafayette's military reputation, and raised 
him in the general esteem. That with so decided an 
inferiority of effective force, and especially of cavalry, 
he had been able to keep the field in an open country, 
and to preserve a considerable proportion of his mili- 
tary stores, as well as his army, was believed to fur- 
nish unequivocal evidence of the prudence and vigor 
of his conduct. 

Active warfare seemed now suspended. Cornwallis 
was safely entrenched at Portsmouth, and Lafayette 
had Httle else to do than to watch him, and prevent 
any excursion which he might design to make. In this 
he was unceasingly busy. Lest the enemy should be 
inchned to retreat to North Carolina, he ordered the 
militia to guard the passes, and took every precaution 
to cut him off in that direction. To keep his own line 
of communication open with Philadelphia was also an 
object of his strictest attention. His spies surrounded 
Cornwallis everywhere. They were in his camp and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 187 

very apartment, and entirely unsuspected, were com- 
municating to Lafayette his daily history and plans. 
One of Cornwallis' own trusted spies was all the while 
faithful to Lafayette. " When Cornwallis," says Mr. 
Sparks, " had retired before Lafayette, and was near 
Williamsburg, as the former had a superior force, 
Lafayette did not choose to bring him to a general 
action ; but he wished at the same time to impress 
upon him the idea of the largeness of his numbers, in 
order that Cornwallis might not be induced to turn up- 
on him, and thus compel him again to retreat. He had 
taken into his service a very shrewd negro man, whom 
he had instructed to go into the enemy's camp, and 
pretend to give himself up to them. This task the 
man performed with so much cunning, that he was 
actually employed by Lord Cornwallis as a spy, at 
the time he was acting in the same capacity for the 
other side. But he was true to his first employer. 
Lafayette wrote a fictitious order to General Morgan, 
requiring him to take his station at a certain post in 
conjunction with the army. The paper was then torn 
and given to the negro, with directions how to pro- 
ceed. He returned to Cornwallis, who asked him 
what news he brought from the American camp. He 
said there was no news, that he saw no changes, but 
every thing appeared as it was the day before. Hold- 
ing the tattered paper in his hand, he was asked what 
it was, and replied that he had picked it up in the 
American camp, but, as he could not read, he did not 
know that it was of any importance. The General 

took it, and was surprised to find such an order. He 

13 



188 LIFE OF GENERAL 

had not heard of Morgan's having joined the army, 
or of his being expected. It made him cautious, how- 
ever, for a day or two before he was undeceived, and 
the object of Lafayette was gained. 

Rumors now began to reach Lafayette that his 
own favorite project of a combined attack upon New 
York by the American and French forces was soon 
to be attempted, and he desired earnestly to be pre- 
sent and engage in it. 

On the 20th July, he writes to Washington : 
" When I went to the southw^ard, you know I had 
some private objections ; — ^but I became sensible of 
the necessity there was for the detachment to go, and 
I knew that had I returned there was no one who 
could lead them on against their inclination. My 
entering this state was happily marked by a service 
to the capital. Virginia became the grand object of 
the enemy, as it was the point to which the ministry 
tended. I had the honor to command an army and 
oppose Lord Cornwallis. When incomparably infe- 
rior to him, fortune was pleased to preserve us ; — 
when equal in numbers, though not in quality of 
troops, we have also been pretty lucky. Cornwallis 
had the disgrace of a retreat, and this state being 
recovered, government is properly reestabhshed. The 
enemy are under the protection of their works at 
Portsmouth. It appears an embarcation is taking 
place, probably destined to New York. The war in 
the state would then become a plundering one, and 
great manoeuvres be out of the question. A prudent 
©fficer would do our business here, and the Baron 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 189 

Steuben is prudent to the utmost. Would it be pos- 
si])le, my dear General, in case a part of the British 
troops go to New York, I may be allowed to join the 
combined armies t" In another letter he says, 

" I am entirely a stranger to every thing that passes 
out of Virginia, and Virginia operations being for the 
present in a state of languor, I have more time to 
think of my solitude. In a word, my dear General, I 
am home-sick, and if I cannot go to head quarters 
wish at least to hear from thence. I am anxious to 
know your opinion concerning the Virginia campaign. 
That the subjugation of this state was the great object 
of the ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your 
diversion has been of more use to the state than my 
manoeuvres, but the latter have been much directed 
by political views. So long as my lord wished for an 
action, not one gun has been fired, but the moment 
he declined it, we began skirmishing, though I took 
care never to commit the army. His naval superi- 
ority, his superiority of horse, of regulars ; — his thou- 
sand advantages over us are §uch that I am lucky to 
have come off safe. I had an eye upon European 
negotiations, and made it a point to give his lordship 
the disgrace of a retreat. 

" From every account it appears that a part of the 
army will embark. The light infantry, the guards, 
the 80th regiment and Queen's Rangers, are, it is 
said, destined for New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am 
told, is much disappointed in his hopes of command. 
Should he go to England, we are, I think, to rejoice 



190 LIFE OF GENERAL 

for it. He is a cold and active man, two dangerous 
qualities in this southern war. 

" The clothing you long ago sent to the light infan- 
try has not yet arrived. I have been obliged to send 
for it, and expect it in a few days. These three bat- 
talions are the best troops that ever took the field. 
My confidence in them is unbounded. They are far 
syperior to any British troops and none will ever ven- 
ture to meet them in equal numbers. What a pity 
these men are not employed along with the French 
grenadiers ; — they would do eternal honor to our 
arms. But their presence here, I must confess, has 
saved this state, and, indeed, the southern part of the 
continent." 

The intelligence which Lafayette communicated in 
these letters was the subject of Washington's pro- 
foundest consideration. They suggested to him a new 
plan, which, if successful, might bring a decisive tri- 
umph. Never was more wisdom displayed in war 
than now. He determined that the united attack upon 
New York should be brought to bear upon Cornwallis. 
With the new reinforcements which Sir Henry Clin- 
ton had received, he doubted of success against the 
city, but this same fact assured him of victory over 
Cornwallis. His preparations for the southern move- 
ment were necessarily secret. For a time he dared 
not communicate his plans to Lafayette lest his letters 
might be intercepted by the enemy. He requested 
him to stay in Virginia till matters should be reduced 
to a greater certainty than at present. " You will not 



MATIQTJTS DE LAFAYETTE. 191 

regret this," said he, " especially when I tell you, that 
from the change of circumstance with which the remo- 
val of part of the enemy's force from Virginia to New 
York will be attended, it is more than probable we 
shall also entirely change our plan of operations." 
Such hints as these were sufficient, and he wrote to 
Washington accordingly. " For the present," he says, 
"I am of the opinion, with you, that I had better 
remain in Virginia; — the more so, as Lord Cornwallia 
does not choose to leave us, and circumstances may 
happen that will furnish me agreeable operations in 
the command of the Virginia army. I have pretty 
well understood you, my dear General, but would be 
happy in a more minute detail, which, I am sensible, 
cannot be intrusted to letters." 

Count Rochambeau was from the first in favor of 
an expedition south, against CornwalHs, and, now that 
it had met with Washington's approbation, he readily 
assented to it. The French had left Newport and 
completed a junction with Washington upon the High- 
lands, the 6th of July, and the allied army was now 
ready for any movement to which they might be di- 
rected. Cheering news had been received from France. 
The French Government had agreed to furnish the 
United States with six millions of Hvres, and were 
also negotiating for an additional loan of ten millions 
from Holland. The Count de Grasse, with a large 
naval force, had sailed for the West Indies, with per- 
mission to spend the summer upon the American 
coast, in cooperation with Washington and De Roch- 
ambeau. The latter officer had advised him of a 



192 LIFE OF GENERAL 

probable enterprise in the Chesapeake Bay agains 
Cornwallis, leaving it for him to sail there at his own 
discretion. 

The most cautious management was now necessary 
to keep Sir Henry Clinton in ignorance of the pro- 
posed campaign. Knowing that the British General 
was expecting an attack upon New York, Washing- 
ton kept up all the outward preparations, while he 
secretly directed every thing towards his new design. 
Letters to the Governor of Virginia, to Lafayette and 
others, detailing the vast plans which Washington 
was making for the enterprise upon New York, and 
recounting the importance of that measure to the 
American cause were sent, and according to his inten- 
tions were intercepted and carried to Sir Henry Clin- 
ton. The British General was entirely imposed upon, 
and with greater vigor than ever arranged for the 
defense of New York. In one of these letters which 
Washington had written only for Clinton's eye, he 
stated that an attack upon New York, and the over- 
throw of General Clinton, was now of the first impor- 
tance and must soon be attempted ; — for that he was 
much alarmed at the success of a general, whom, from 
experience, he knew to be so fertile in resources, so 
vigorous in decision, and so prompt and expeditious in 
improving every advantage ! Still further to encour- 
age the deception, Washington in person, with his 
engineers and chief officers, closely reconnoitred the 
defenses of New York and took plans of all the works, 
under the fire of their batteries. By all these means 
Sir Henry Clinton was fully deceived, and Washing- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 193 

ton, as soon as he heard that the Count de Grasse 
was to have sailed from Cape Francis for the Chesa- 
peake on the 3d of August, was ready for his move- 
ment. 

Meanwhile General Washington had sent a confi- 
dential officer to communicate to the Marquis, his 
proposed undertaking, and advise him to make prepa- 
rations accordingly. Lafayette received the news 
with joy, and determined that the enemy should not 
escape. Every movement of Cornwallis which would 
indicate a desire to retreat to North Carolina was 
carefully observed, and guarded against. On the 26th 
of July he learned from a servant of Cornwallis, who 
constantly kept him informed of his master's move- 
ments, that the army was preparing to leave Ports- 
mouth, though he did not know their destination. 
Lafayette suspected that it might be starting for New 
York and longed for a French fleet to come into 
Hampton Roads, just then, and secure the prey. In- 
stead, however, of proceeding to New York, Corn- 
wallis passed up the Bay, entered York River, and 
landed his forces at York and Gloucester. At Glou- 
cester Point he began his entrenchments, but was here, 
as he had been at Portsmouth, every moment under 
the careful surveillance of his vigilant foe. After a 
time his forts at Troy, Kemp's Landing, Great Bridge 
and Portsmouth, were abandoned, and his vessels and 
baggage with all the troops that had been left for 
garrison, went round to York. The cannon left at 
Portsmouth were spiked, and Cornwallis began to erect 
heavy fortifications at York and at Gloucester, so as 



194 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to command the River and effectually protect himselt, 
At first his works went slowly forward, as if he him- 
self were uncertain what to do, but afterwards began 
to progress with greater rapidity. A dispatch from Sir 
Henry Clinton had reached him, stating that he had 
just received from Europe a reinforcement of three 
thousand Hessians, and that consequently he would 
not need the detachment from Cornwallis which he 
had previously ordered. These orders were therefore 
countermanded and his lordship was directed to take 
a strong position on the Chesapeake, from which, as 
soon as the storm which threatened New York should 
blow over, he might prosecute the meditated designs 
of the ministry against the states lying on that Bay. 

Lafayette held his position on James River. He 
received, as we have said, the plan of Washington, 
but that it might be in no danger of being divulged 
to the enemy, he did not disclose it to a single indi- 
vidual. Under different pretexts he made his various 
dispositions against Cornwallis, so that even his own 
officers mistook their precise nature. Whether Corn- 
wallis fathomed them or not, he soon saw that Lafay- 
ette was cutting off his retreat to the Carolinas, though 
he could not yet see the threatening elements which 
were gathering against him in the distance. On the 
19th of August the whole American army was put in 
mation, and crossing the Hudson, began their march 
for Virginia. General Clinton, completely outwitted, 
considered their departure merely as a feint to cover 
their design upon New York, and does not seem for a 
moment to have apprehended the terrible danger which 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 195 

threatened Cornwaliis. Washington, in communicating 
to Lafayette their departure, enjoins upon the Marquis 
the closest and most careful efforts to prevent the escape 
of the enemy before the allied armies should arrive. 
" As it will be of great importance," said he, " to- 
wards the success of our present enterprise, that the 
enemy, on the arrival of the fleet, should not have it 
in their power to effect their retreat, I cannot omit to 
repreat to you my most earnest wish that the land 
and naval forces, which you will have with you, may 
so combine their operations, that the British army 
may not be able to escape. The particular mode of 
doing this, I shall not, at this distance, atterftpt to dic- 
tate. Your own knowledge of the country, from your 
long continuance in it, and the various and extensive 
movements which you have made, have given you 
great opportunities for observation ; of which I am 
persuaded your military genius and judgment will lead 
you to make the best improvement. You will, my 
dear Marquis, keep me constantly advised of every 
important event respecting the enemy or yourself." 
Lafayette, as we have seen, had anticipated these 
injunctions. By his untiring vigilance and skillful 
manoeuvres, he had driven the enemy to a position 
most favorable to his plans, and it was no part of his 
designs that he should now escape. ^^tt^jf^ 

Cornwaliis soon began to discern the terirble fore- 
shadowing of his doom. On the 30th of Au msLth e 
Count de Grasse, with twenty-eight ships of the li^se- 
veral frigates and convoys, arrived in the Ches^eake. 
Lafayette at once sent him an officer to commu 



196 LIFE OF GENERAL 

nicate the intelligence of his own situation and that 
of Cornwallis. Learning this, the Count immediately 
detached four ships of the line to block up York River 
and then proceeded to land for Lafayette's reinforce- 
ment, the Marquis de St. Simon with a body of troops 
amounting to three thousand two hundred men. These 
formed a junction with Lafayette at Williamsburg, 
on the 5th of September. He united himself with 
Wayne, who had been stationed on the south side of 
James River, and so quick were his movements, that 
Cornwallis saw, as if by magic, that he was suddenly 
blockaded by sea and by land, with hardly a possi- 
bility of escape. Perilous as was his situation, he de- 
termined upon one desperate effort to free himself 
from it. He carefully reconnoitred Lafayette's posi- 
tion at Williamsburg, and though strong, he deter- 
mined to pass it and retreat to the South. Lafayette 
discovered this, but soon found also that the plan was 
abandoned. Cornwallis sending an earnest request to 
Sir Henry Clinton for succor determined to await its 
arrival. Meanwhile he labored day and night on his 
defenses. 

The Count de Grasse, who had permission to serve 
on the American coast only till the middle of October, 
was anxious to commence operations immediately. 
Togethi^r with the Marquis St. Simon, he urged upon 
Lafayetl^the propriety of making an immediate attack 
upon the enemy. It is right, said they to Lafayette, 
that^ou who have had all the difficulties of this cam- 
paign should now be rewarded with the glory of its 
successful termination. They argued that the works 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 197 

of Cornwallis were yet in an incomplete state, and 
that he could not resist a sudden attack made by the 
forces which he could then command. All these were 
powerful reasons with the young and ardent Marquis, 
but yet he determined to await the arrival of the 
northern armies. The attempt upon Cornwallis in his 
present condition, he saw would be attended with 
great bloodshed, even if successful, and he was unwil- 
ling, unnecessarily, to risk the lives of the brave men 
who had followed his fortunes, for personal glory. 
He therefore used every precaution to prevent the 
escape of Cornwallis, and patiently awaited the arri- 
val of Washington and de Rochambeau. 

Having made arrangement for the transportation of 
his army down the Chesapeake, Washington, accom- 
panied by the Count and the Chevalier de Chastel- 
leux, proceeded directly to Virginia ; and on the 14th 
of September, Lafayette joyfully welcomed them to 
his camp at Williamsburg. Thence they proceeded to 
Hampton, where, on board the Ville de Paris, the plan 
for the siege of Yorktown was concerted with the 
Count de Grasse. Everything was managed to the 
satisfaction of both parties, and Washington, as he 
surveyed with high approbation the dispositions which 
Lafayette had made, felt certain of a brilliant success 
when his troops should arrive. But a dark cloud^fe- 
denly overshadowed the clear sky of his hopes^- In*^ 
formation reached the French Admiral that the Brrtlsh 
fleet in New York had received an important addition 
to its strength, and de Grasse supposed by this that 
they would be induced to venture every thing for the 



198 LIFE OF GENERAL 

relief of Cornwallis. Expecting therefore, that they 
would sail directly against him, and as his present con- 
dition was unfavorable for a naval combat, he deter- 
mined to sail out of the Bay with his fleet and meet the 
enemy on the open sea. He communicated this inten- 
tion to Washington, proposing to leave a few frigates to 
block up the mouths of York and James Rivers, while 
he went in quest of the enemy. Washington received 
this proposition with dismay. The moment de Grasse 
should leave, the vision of certain success would fade. 
A temporary naval superiority might be acquired by 
the British in the Bay, and the army of Cornwallis 
would then be placed in perfect security. He must 
not leave, said Washington. Writing a letter to de 
Grasse, he sent Lafayette with it on board the vessel, 
and requested the Marquis to use his personal influ- 
ence with the Admiral, to dissuade him from executing 
his dangerous designs. Lafayette felt the emergency 
and acted with efficiency. He stated the crisis, and 
plead with the Count to remain. He appealed by 
turns to his honor, his pride, and his patriotism. He 
represented that the capture of Cornwalhs would pro- 
bably seal the triumph of America, while his escape 
would greatly protract the war, and result disgrace- 
fully to the allied arms. His appeals were successful, and 
the^dmiral at last consented to forego plans his thirst 
fbr^ilitary glory had suggested, and continue his post. 
jLhe troops now began to arrive, and on the 25th 
of September the last division debarked near Williams- 
burg. With high hope and courage, each division 
swept into the ranks, and on the 28th moving forward 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 199 

in four columns towards Yorktown, halted about two 
miles in front of the enemy. The siege of Vork- 
TowN* now commenced. De Rochambeau, with the 
French corps, took advantage of the woods, the 
rideaux, and the marshy creeks, so as to confine the 
enemy to within pistol shot of their works. The left 
wing of the French battalions rested upon the river 
above the town, and their right extended to a low ra- 
vine, where it was met by the left wing of the Ame- 
ricans, whose right rested upon the stream below the 
town. The investment was as complete and as close 
as possible. Mr. de Choisy, with a body of troops, 
then passed over to Gloucester on the opposite side. 
Cornwallis looked out upon the vast array which now 
encircled him, as the fabled draco its victim, but his 
great heart was still firm. He had informed Sir 
Henry Clinton of his peril, and had no doubt that suc- 
cors would soon arrive. With unbroken fortitude he 
determined to face the tremendous array till he should 
receive aid, and reap victory. 

Till the 6th of October the besieging army was em- 
ployed in disembarking and bringing upon the ground 
the ordnance and other requisite implements for the 
onset. As soon as this was done, the work went for- 



* " York is a small village on the south side of the river which b^s 
that name, where the long peninsula between the York and the James, 
is only eight miles wide. On the opposire shore, is Gloucester Point, a 
piece of land projecting deep into the river, and naiTowing it, at that 
place, to the space of one mile. Both these points were occupied by 
Lord ComwalHs. The communication between them was commanded 
by his batteries, and by some ships of war which lay under his guns.'*— 
[Marshall 



200 ILIFE OF GENERAL 

ward with vigor, but the strength of the Enghsh 
army and the character of the General who com- 
manded it, obHged Washington to act with precision 
and precaution. On the night of the 6th of October, 
with profound silence, a trench, six or seven hundred 
toises in extent, and flanked by four redoubts, was 
opened by the Americans on the right, within six hun- 
dred yards of the British lines. At the same time a 
similar one was completed by the French on the left. 
So silently was this done, that the garrison was wholly 
unapprised of it till day light, by which time the em- 
bankments were so far advanced as to cover the men. 
Batteries and redoubts were speedily completed along 
the fosse, from which a tremendous fire was poured 
upon the enemy. So resistless was the blaze of artil- 
lery, that it tore in pieces most of their batteries, and 
on the eleventh they were forced to withdraw their 
cannon from the embrasures, and scarcely returned a 
shot. Kindling a spirit of emulation between the 
French and Americans, Washington was able to pro- 
secute the assault with great rapidity. On the same 
night he opened his second parallel within three hun- 
dred yards of the lines. This was commenced noise- 
lessly as the first, and on the morning of the next day 
Cornwallis first discovered it. The three succeeding 
dav^ were occupied in completing the trench. The 
pTOgress now was seriously harassed by two redoubts 
of the foe in front of their entrenchments, and which 
kept up a galling fire. Washington determined to 
silence these with the bayonet. The attack of one 
was given to the Americans, and of the other to the 



MARQUIS BE LAFAYETTE. 201 

French. Lafayette led the former and the ^aron de 
Viomesnil the latter. Says de Rochambeau, "Four 
hundred grenadiers debouched at the head of this 
attack, under the command of Count WilHam de Deux 
Fonts, and of M. de 1' Estrapade, Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the regiment of Gatinais. M. M. de Viomesnil and 
Lafayette made so impetuous an attack that the re- 
doubts were carried, sword in hand, at the same 
moment. The greater part of the men in them were 
killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. A lodgement 
was made by joining these redoubts by a communica- 
tion to the right of our second parallel, the ground on 
which they stood affording means of erecting new 
batteries, which completed the blockade of CornwalHs, 
and threw balls a ricochet into the whole of the inte- 
rior of the place, at a distance which could not fail to 
do much damage." This difficult onset was carried 
on and finished with a bravery highly gratifying to 
Washington. In the orders for the succeeding day, 
he complimented both Lafayette and Viomesnil, for 
their judicious dispositions and gallant conduct during 
the attack. " The General reflects," he concluded, 
*' with the highest degree of pleasure, on the confi- 
dence which the troops of the two nations must here- 
after have in each other. Assured of mutual support, 
he is convinced there is no danger which they wall not 
cheerfully encounter, — no difficulty which they will 
not bravely overcome." 

The two redoubts which had been taken were at 
once included in the second parallel, and in a few 
hour* §ome howitzers were mounted upon them, 
9* 



202 LIFE OF GENERAL 

which acWed their destructive voUies. Cornwallis saw 
that with this fire the town would be untenable, and 
his situation hopeless. Unable to believe that Sir 
Henry Clinton would leave him long without help, 
he thought to gain time by a bold movement. On the 
night of the fifteenth of October, he sent out Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Abercrombie at the head of 800 chosen 
men, who made a desperate sortie against two bat- 
teries which appeared to be in the greatest forward- 
ness. So valiant was the the charge, that they gained 
possession, and spiked four guns ; but were hastily 
repelled by the Chevalier de Chastelleux, who made 
a deadly assault with his reserve. The cannon were 
rendered serviceable again six hours afterwards, by 
the care of General d' Abouville, commanding the 
French artillery. The tremendous fire-sheet which 
now blazed upon Cornwallis, soon dismounted or broke 
his ordnance, his walls were fast crumbling into the 
ditches, and nearly all his defenses were razed. Un- 
willing to submit, and unable tp remain longer with 
any show of resistance, he formed the daring design 
of crossing over in the night with such troops as were 
not disabled, to Gloucester Point, and with forced 
march hasten to rejoin the arm.y in New York. 
Boats were prepared, and so secretly were the ar- 
rangements, that no tidings escaped to the opposit 
encampment. On the night of the 16th of October, 
a division was embarked and passed over unperceived. 
But before the boats could return, a violent storm 
arose, ^nd continued till dawn, drifting them down the 
river, and preventing all farther execution of the plan. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. . 203 

The next morning, the troops which had crossed were 
brought back again, and re-landed on the southern 
shore with Httle loss. 

On the morning of the 17th, CornwalHs, reduced to 
the last extremity, beat a parley, and offered to capit- 
ulate. On the 19th, formal articles of capitulation 
were signed, by which Lord Cornwallis and his mag- 
nificent army were made prisoners of war. The 
Americans and French took possession at noon of two 
bastions, and the garrison defiled between the armies 
at two o'clock in the p. m., with drums beating, carry- 
ing their arms, which they afterwards piled, with 
twenty pair of colors. Lord Cornwallis feigned sick- 
ness to avoid surrendering before his soldiers, and 
General O' Hara accordingly appeared at the head of 
the garrison. " When he came up," says Rocham- 
beau," " he presented his sword to me. I pointed to 
General Washington, who was opposite me at the 
head of the American army, and told him that the 
French army being auxiliaries on the continent, it was 
the American General who was to signify his orders 
to him." As the result of this capitulation 8,000 pri- 
soners, of whom 7,000 were regular troops and 1,000 
sailors ; 214 pieces of cannon, of which 75 were brass, 
and 22 pair of colors, passed, into the hands of the 
allies. The men, artillery, arms, military chest, and 
public stores of every denomination, were surrendered 
to Washington, the ships and seamen to the Count de 
Grasse. 

The news of the surrender at Yorktown sped on 

the winss of the wind all over the land. Bon-fires 
14 



204 LIFE OF GENERAL 

were lighted on almost every hill top, and the bells of 
every hamlet in the country rung their glad acclama- 
tions. The names of Washington, — Rochambeau, — de 
Grasse, — Lafayette, resounded every where. Every 
association of note, political or literary, voted them 
their congratulations. With profound gratitude to 
the Supreme Disposer of all events, Congress repaired 
in solemn procession to the Dutch Lutheran Church, 
to return thanks for the victory to the Divine Provi- 
dence which had granted it. Washington also ordered 
that suitable religious service be performed in the 
camp in grateful testimony of the auspicious event. 

To follow up the advantages thus gained, the Com- 
mander-in-Chief desired to make an expedition against 
Charleston. De Grasse was solicited to lend his aid, 
and Lafayette was deputed by Washington to over- 
come any scruples which the Admiral might have 
against reengaging in the enterprise. The Marquis 
repaired on board the Ville de Paris, but solicitations 
were unavaihng. De Grasse replied that " the orders 
of his court, ulterior projects, and his engagements 
with the Spaniards, rendered it impossible for him to 
remain on the coast during the time which would be 
required for the operation." This enterprise failing, 
and also another against Wilmington, which was also 
proposed, military action for the season seemed to be 
at an end. The army went into winter quarters, 
and Lafayette was once more left to a repose ever 
irksome to him. Desiring again to revisit his native 
land, and thinking that he might be serviceable to the 
cause of his heart, he determined to return to France. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 205 

This determination was not opposed, as it was felt 
both by Washington and Congress that his powerful 
cooperation would be needed in the negotiations for 
an honorable peace, which it was hoped would now 
open. Previous to his departure, he received the 
highest testimonials of affection and respect, not only 
from his beloved Commander and Congress, but also 
from the King and Ministry of France. He sailed 
from Boston in the frigate Alliance, on the 22d De- 
cember, 1781. 

It is not strange that Lafayette was next to free- 
dom in the magnanimous heart of Washington. From 
the devotion of himself and fortune, while amid the 
luxuries of an ancestral domain, to the doubtful strug- 
gle of despised " rebels ;" — his unselfish adherence to 
their cause when repulsed — his untiring energy and 
reliable wisdom in the camp and conflict — his fidelity 
in neglect, under fearful discouragements, and in the 
palace of his sovereign ; have probably no parallel in 
the annals of greatness which has its throne within a 
disinterested human bosom. We follow his youthful 
form through the bloody scenes of the Revolution, 
with a personal affection and admiration peculiar and 
unrivaled, because he fought on foreign soil, and was 
ready to die for strangers. We know America could 
not have spared Washington, and we feel that Wash- 
ington could not have spared Lafayette ! 



CHAPTER VI. 

Lafayette's Reception in Paris — At home — Efforts for America — • 
Preparations op France and Spain — Lafayette at Cadiz — Negotia 
TiONS for peace — Treaty of peace ratified — Lafayette at Madrid — 
Continued endeavors — Free Ports — Duties on oil — Desires to re- 
turn TO America — Embarks at Havre — Arrival at New York — En- 
thusiastic WELCOME — Visits Washington at Mount Vernon — Treaty 
WITH THE Indians — Kayewla — Visits Boston — Reception there — 
Proceeds to Virginia — Meets Washington at Richmond — Returns 
North — Takes leave op Congress — Returns to France —Visits Fre- 
deric THE Great — Incidents — Plans for African Emancipation — In- 
terposes IN behalf of pbrsecured Protestants. 

Lafayette was greeted warmly by his countrymen. 
His name had gone back to the realm of his birth like 
an echo of liberty. The most flattering salutations 
met him at court, and demonstrations of applause 
were made wherever he went. But the silver notes 
of fame were not so sweet as the familiar accents of 
love in the bosom of his family ; the delights of home. 
In the social circle, his hours flew pleasantly, yet he 
did not forget America. Every ship brought him 
answers to the many letters which he was constantly 
transmitting to Washington and friends in the new 
world. He thus kept himself familiar with American 
affairs, while at the same time he did not forget to 
interest himself actively in their behalf. He urged 
upon the ministry the necessity of forcing peace from 
England, by more imposing display in favor of the 
colonies. So forcible were his representations, that a 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 207 

grand armament was prepared by France and Spain, 
to encounter the British power in the West Indies 
and North America. A part consisting of sixty ves- 
sels and twenty-four thousand men, began to assemble 
at Cadiz. Lafayette, was appointed chief of the staff 
of the united armies, and himself took the lead of 
eight thousand troops marching from Brest to the 
place of rendezvous. So vast preparations as these, 
were looked upon by the English government with 
apprehension, and quickened their negotiations for 
peace. Commissioners were appointed by the United 
States and Great Britain, who held their conferences 
in Paris. In November 1782, the preliminary articles 
for a peace were agreed upon, and on the 20th of 
January, 1783, the final treaty was signed. Lafayette 
heard this news with bounding heart and longed to 
bear the glad tidings to a rescued nation, ^ut though 
the King of Spain had signed the treaty which 
acknowledged the independence of the States, he re- 
fused to receive in his diplomatic relation, Mr. Car- 
michael, who had been appointed Charge d' Affaires to 
court of Madrid. Lafayette was then at Cadiz pre- 
paring to sail for America, when Mr. Carmichael 
wrote to him requesting his aid. Forgetting himself, 
he instantly resolved to forego his anticipated pleasure. 
The Count d' Estaing granted him The Triumph^ a fast 
sailing vessel, which the Marquis dispatched with a 
letter to the President of Congress, communicating the 
tidings of peace, while he hastened to Madrid to se- 
cure the interests of his adopted country there. Arri- 
ving, he had an interview with the monarch and his 



208 LIFE OF GENERAL 

minister, and soon had the satisfaction of seeing 
every difficulty removed, in the full recognition of Mr. 
Carmichael in his official character. 

The Triumph arrived at Philadelphia on the 23d of 
March, 1783, bearing the first intelligence of peace. 
Congress passed suitable testimonials to the Marquis 
for this fresh service, and Washington, in a letter to 
him dated April 5th, thus expresses his approbation ; — 
*' It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to ex- 
press, the sensibility of my heart at the communica- 
tion of your letter of the 5th of February from Cadiz. 
It is to these communications we are indebted for the 
only account yet received of a general pacification. 
My mind, upon the receipt of this intelligence, was 
instantly assailed by a thousand ideas, all of them con- 
tending for preeminence ; — but, believe me, my dear 
friend, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate that 
gratitude, which has arisen from a lively sense of the 
conduct of your nation, and to my obligations to many 
of its illustrious characters, (of whom, without flattery, 
I place you at the head,) and from my admiration of 
the virtues of your august Sovereign, who, at the 
same time that he stands confessed the father of his 
own people, and defender of American rights, has 
given the most exalted example of moderation in 
treating with his enemies. 

"The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, and 
in which you were to have acted a distinguished part, 
would have carried such conviction with it, that it is 
not to be wondered at, that Great Britain should have 
been impressed with the force of such reasoning. To 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 209 

this cause, I am persuaded, the peace is to be ascribed. 
Your going to Madrid from thence, instead of com- 
ing immediately to this country, is another instance, 
my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the American 
cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of her 
sons, who will at all times receive you with open 
arms." 

The independence of the United States being esta- 
blished, and peace once more restored to Europe, 
Lafayette began to apply himself intensely to the 
commercial relations of France and America. The 
subject was one foreign to his former habits of thought, 
and one upon which merely military men would have 
entered with reluctance ; but Lafayette brought to it an 
energy and insight into all its details, which astonished 
his friends. By his exertions the ports of Dunkirk 
and Marseilles, of L' Orient and Bayonne, were granted 
to the United States as free ports* by the King of 
France. The minister of commerce, impressed by 
the representations of the Marquis, assured him that 
the United States should be as much favored in France 
in commercial affairs as any other nation. " The com- 
plaints," said he to Lafayette, " which they may make 
to you, or which Mr. Franklin, and the other Ameri- 
can ministers, which I would be very glad to see, may 
transmit to me on their behalf, shall be examined with 
great attention, and government will not suffer them 
to experience any kind of vexation." A considerable 

* A free port is " a place to which all merchandises, as well foreign 
aa domestic, may be imported, and from which they may be freely ex- 
ported." — De Veiujennes. 



210 LIFE OF GENEEAL 

portion of the American people were interested more 
or less in the whale fishery, and Layfayette did not 
overlook the fact. He urged France to repeal the 
duties on whale oil ; but as the ministry were just 
then beginning to encourage the fishery, this was re- 
fused. He then took another method, and at last 
gained a total exemption of duties for sixteen thousand 
quintals of oil, to be furnished by merchants of Boston 
to the Contractor-General for lighting the cities of Paris 
and Versailles. '' I worked very hard," he says, ''to 
bring even as much as this about, and am happy at 
having, at last, obtained a point which may be agree- 
able to New England and the people of Boston. I 
wish they may, at large know, I did not neglect their 
affairs ; and although this is a kind of private bargain, 
yet as it amounts to a value of about eight hundred 
thousand French livres, and government have been 
prevailed upon to take off all duties, it can be con- 
sidered as a matter of importance." The Marquis' 
name was spoken with praise on both continents, and 
he was constantly receiving testimonials of grateful 
approbation. " The unexampled attention to every 
American interest," writes Mr. Morris, the superin- 
tendent of American finance, to the President of Con- 
gress, *' which the Marquis de Lafayette has exhibited, 
cannot fail to excite the strongest emotions in his 
favor, and we must, at the same time, admire the 
judgment which he has shown in the manner of his 
applications, as well as the industry in selecting pro- 
per materials." The tokens of gratitude received, 
together with the kind entreaties by which they were 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 211 

accompanied, to return to America, determined him 
again to re-visit the theater of his toils and glory. He 
longed to embrace his old comrades in arms, and es- 
pecially to sit at Washington's feet, and learn lessons 
of peace from those lips which had been so wise in 
war. The great man having become divested of the 
cares of pubUc employment, and the responsibilities 
of office, was enjoying the quiet of domestic life in his 
villa at Mount Vernon. Inviting the Marquis to visit 
him, he thus describes his pleasant situation ; " at 
length I have become a private citizen on the banks 
of the Potomac ; and under the shadow of my own 
vine, and my own fig tree, free from the bustle of the 
camp, and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing 
myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the 
soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame, — the statesman 
whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in 
devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, 
perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe 
was insufficient for us all, — and the courtier, who is 
always watching the countenance of his prince, in the 
hope of catching a gracious smile, — can have very 
little conception. I have not only retired from all 
pubHc employments, but am retiring within myself, 
and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread 
the paths of private life, with heart-felt satisfaction. 
Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with 
all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my 
march, I will move gently down the stream of life, 
until I sleep with my fathers." 
This invitation Lafayette could not resist. It w"as 



212 LIFE OF GENERAL 

attended also with a polite request that the Marchio- 
ness should also visit Mt. Vernon ; but this she could 
not accept. The Marquis embarked alone. He sailed 
from Havre on the 1st of July, and arrived at New- 
York on the 4th of August. Nothing could exceed 
the cordiality of his reception there. It was the first 
time he had entered the city, and as soon as it was 
known that he had arrived, all ranks of the citizens 
left their usual occupations, and hastened to welcome 
him to their shores. A solendid entertainment was 
given him the day after his arrival, when the officers, 
whom he had fought with in the Revolution, appeared 
in their uniforms, which had been long cast aside, but 
were now resumed in honor of the occasion. From 
New York he proceeded to Philadelphia, where the 
happy news of his arrival from Europe had preceded 
him. Before he reached the city a numerous escort 
came out to meet him with the most enthusiastic 
tokens of welcome. He entered the city amid the 
ringing of bells and the thunder of cannon. The streets 
through which he passed were thronged with specta- 
tors ; every door and window presenting happy faces 
which beamed with delight upon the distinguished 
guest. The corps of officers from the Pennsylvania 
line deputed Generals Wayne, St. Clair, and Irwin, to 
congratulate him upon his arrival, and to welcome him 
to the scenes of his former toils and fame. The legis- 
lature of Pennsylvania voted him a flattering address, 
and all classes were engaged in a generous rivalry to 
do him honor. 

But, meanwhile, the subject of all these demonstra- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 213 

tions was impatient to behold again his illustrious pa- 
tron and friend. Tearing himself away from scenes 
of festivity, he left Philadelphia on the 14th of August, 
and after stopping at Baltimore, arrived on the 19th at 
Mt. Vernon, beneath the roof hallowed by the pre- 
sence and the virtues of Washington. " When we 
reflect upon the principal events in the lives of these 
two illustrious men ; — the difference in their ages and 
countries ; — the distance which separated them from 
each other ; — the circumstances which brought them 
together ; — the importance of the scenes through 
which they had passed ; — the glorious success of their 
courageous efforts ; — their mutual anxiety again to 
embrace each other ; — the tender and truly paternal 
esteem of the one, and the respect, admiration, and 
filial attachment of the other ; — when we reflect upon 
all this, we find that everything contributed to stamp 
this interesting interview with a sublimity of charac- 
ter, which had no prototype in the annals of man." 

Twelve blissful days were spent at Mount Vernon, 
at the close of which he returned to the north. Nego- 
tiations with the allied tribes of Indians were now in 
progress, and his influence over them being widely 
extended, he was invited to join the commissioners of 
peace, and assist them in their '' talk" with the Indians. 
Fort Schuyler was the place of meeting, and crowds 
assembled to witness the ceremony. In sullen silence 
the Indians ranged themselves to listen to the words 
of Kayewla, as they termed Lafayette. They had 
been leagued in hostihty against the whites, and it 
was feared that they would still refuse all propositions 



214 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of peace. Lafayette had frequently been called to treat 
with them during the war and possessed a strong hold 
over their rude minds. He now addressed them, 
pointing out the advantages of peace, and the inevi- 
table destruction which awaited them, if they persisted 
in ravaging the frontiers. The lordly denizens of the 
forest heard him with a confidence which they would 
not have given any other white man, and as he closed 
his speech, his point was gained. " Father," said one of 
the chiefs in reply, " we have heard thy voice, and we 
rejoice that thou hast visited thy children, to give to 
them good and necessary advice. Thou hast said that 
we have done wrong in opening our ears to wicked 
men, and closing our hearts to thy counsels. Father ! 
it IS all true ; — we have left the good path ; we 
have wandered away from it, and been enveloped in a 
black cloud. We have now returned, that thou may- 
est find in us, good and faithful children. Father ! we 
rejoice to hear thy voice among us ; — it seems that 
the Great Spirit has directed thy footsteps to this 
council of friendship, to smoke the calumet of peace 
and fellowship, with thy long lost children." 

After making presents to the chiefs, he left them 
with the treaty fully ratified, and proceeded on his 
way amid the acclamations and public rejoicings of 
every community through which he passed. Pressing 
invitations were now crowding upon him to visit Bos- 
ton, and he accordingly directed his journey towards 
that cradle of liberty, — the metropolis of New Eng- 
land. On his way, enthusiastic demonstrations of wel- 
come were given him at Hartford and Worcester, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 215 

as well as at the smaller towns through which his 
road lay. But it was for Boston to crow^n his ovation 
with the richest triumph. Before he reached the city 
a magnificent miUtary procession, bearing the flags of 
America and France, came out to escort him thither. 
A salute of thirteen guns greeted him as he came in 
sight, which was also the signal for a vast number of 
citizens to join the cavalcade. With great pomp, led 
on by martial music, and, over all, the renowned peal- 
ing of bells, he was ushered into the metropolis. 
Every street through which he passed, as well as the 
doors, windows, and roofs of the houses, was filled 
with spectators, who made the air ring with their un- 
ceasing acclamations. As he passed up State street, 
another salute of thirteen guns was fired. With these 
rejoicings he was conducted to his lodgings, and on 
the evening of this memorable day, the municipal au- 
thorities ordered the lamps of the city to be re-lighted 
for the first time since the conclusion of the war. Fire 
works and illuminations were the order of the niffht. 
The state government also united with that of the 
city in their enthusiastic expressions of regard. On 
the 19th of October, the anniversary of the capitu- 
lation of Cornwallis, — the governor of the state — 
the president of the senate — the speaker of the house 
of representatives — the executive council, and the 
members of the two houses — assembled in the great 
hall of audience, to offer their congratulations to La- 
fayette on his happy arrival in America. ** When the 
Marquis was introduced, the governor, in eloquent and 
impressive terms, testified the high esteem and grati- 



•^10 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tude entertained for him by the state of Massachusetts, 
the remembrance of which could never be effaced. — 
The report of this ceremony having spread itself over 
the city, all the neighboring streets were completely 
crowded with people, and it was with great difficulty 
that a lane was formed, by the military through the 
multitude, to the City Hotel. When this was effected, 
Lafayette appeared, accompanied by the governor, 
the members of the legislature, the old continental offi- 
cers, the clergymen of different sects, and the principal 
citizens, who escorted him into the great saloon of the 
the hotel, where an entertainment had been prepared 
for five hundred persons. Thirteen arcades were 
thrown across the bottom of the saloon, emblematical 
of the thirteen states of the Union. Lafayette was 
seated beneath the center arch, from which a fleur de 
lis was suspended. After dinner, thirteen patriotic 
toasts were drunk, and each one celebrated by thirteen 
guns stationed in the market place. When the health 
of Washington was pronounced, a curtain, placed 
behind Lafayette, immediately fell, and disclosed the 
portrait of that great man, encircled with laurels, and 
decorated with the flags of America and France. La- 
fayette arose and steadfastly regarded it with a mix- 
ture of tenderness, pleasure and surprise. For a 
few moments he gazed in silent admiration, when a 
voice exclaimed, — * Long live Washington !' — the 
effect was electrical ; — the name of the gallant chief- 
tain of hberty resounded from all parts of the room, 
and the shouts of ^ Long live Washington !' were 
drowned amid peals of applause and enthusiastic accia 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 217 

mations. On the same evening Mrs. Hayley gave a 
grand ball, accompanied with splendid fireworks in 
honor of Lafayette, and her house was brilliantly illu- 
minated. The legislative assembly granted him the 
privilege of assisting in their sittings, which he fre- 
quently made use of during his stay in Boston." 

The scenes through which he now passed were a 
continual triumph. The magnificent welcome which 
Bonaparte afterwards received, when his negotiations 
at Bayonne had added the Spanish crown to the 
French domain, did not exceed that which Lafayette 
now enjoyed. The triumph of the Emperor, while it 
displayed the most enthusiastic admiration on the part 
of his people, manifested but httle love ; while that of 
the Marquis mingled the highest admiration with the 
warmest affection. From Boston he visited the towns 
of Salem, Cape Ann, Marblehead, Beverly, Newbury- 
port, Portsmouth, N. H., and then returning to Bos- 
ton he proceeded to Providence and the scenes of his 
active labors in Rhode Island. Returning once more 
to Boston he embarked in the royal frigate La Nymphe 
and sailed for the theater of his greatest military 
glory, — the mouth of York River in Chesapeake Bay. 
He landed at Yorktown, but it was with no ordinary 
emotions that he set his foot upon shore and looked 
over the scenes, consecrated by the triumphant issue 
of the struggle for American freedom. Before him 
was Virginia and here was Yorktown where he had 
baffled the manoeuvres, restricrted the operations and 
involved in inextricable toils one of the bravest and 
most accomplished generals of Europe. A thrill of 



218 LIFE OF GENERAL 

rapture rioted in his breast, as he reflected on the part 
he had been allowed to play in the great struggle and 
its successful issue. He knew that his efforts had been 
important, and it is not strange that he felt this, more 
than he had ever done before, as he now entered York- 
town. Talk about the modesty of genius, ye who will ; 
true greatness is, and should be, conscious of itself. 
We have no sympathy with that mawkish feeling 
which denies to the man possessed of any thing true 
and noble all knowledge of its worth. The great soul 
looks upon itself with the same calm eye with which it 
measures the pigmies around it, and it cannot but see 
the difference between it and them. This feeling is, 
however, diverse as the poles from the puffed up vanity 
belonging to some minds. A vain mind must necessa- 
rily be in some respects a little mind and utterly igno- 
rant of the conscious dignity which belongs to great- 
ness. True greatness knows and feels its own nature 
and rises to a sublime elevation when contemplating, 
as Lafayette now did, the scenes wherein it has mani- 
fested itself. 

From Yorktown the Marquis proceeded to Williams- 
burg whose inhabitants came out and received their 
gallant defender with indescribable marks of enthu- 
siasm and love. From this city he proceeded to 
Richmond, which he entered on the 18th of November, 
meeting with a reception transcending, if possible, all 
former display. Washington was waiting for him here, 
and after the gallant Marquis had received the con- 
gratulations of the city and the legislature of the state, 
then in session at Richmond, he accompanied his re- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 219 

vered friend once more to the shades of Mount Ver- 
non. For about a week he remained, enjoying the 
hospitahty of the Father of his country and then the 
two friends proceeded together to Annapohs. At this 
city and at Alexandria they remained for some time, 
honoring with their presence the brilhant festivals 
given them there. The legislatures of both Virginia 
and Maryland voted flattering addresses and conferred 
upon him and his male heirs the rights of citizenship in 
each of these states. The honors accorded to the 
Marquis in this, the theater of his hardest toil and 
brightest glory, fell gratefully upon his heart and lay 
there like sunbeams brightening and warming some of 
the dark and cold scenes through which he was after- 
wards to pass. 

But, however pleasant these festivities to the hero, 
different duties awaited him. He could not bring him- 
self to trespass too long upon the generous hospitality 
of the people whom his own arm had sped forward to 
freedom. He was still young, and he was not satisfied 
to allow the life before him to be spent in inactivity. 
His name, written upon the baptismal register of Ame- 
rica, he would have also ineffaceably inscribed upon 
the records of Europe. His reception here had been 
more flattering than he had dreamed of, and met with 
his overflowing thankfulness, but the time, which he 
had .assigned for his visit was now drawing to a close, 
and me prepared to return to France. At Annapolis 
he parted, for the last time, with his revered friend. 
It was a mournful separation to both, for they seemed 
to have a premonition that they should see each other's 



220 LIFE OF GENERAL 

face no more. This presentiment saddened the buoy- 
ant spirit of Lafayette, while it deepened the natural 
gravity of Washington, as each gave to the other his 
parting adieux. " In the moment of our separation," 
writes Washington aftervi^ards to him, " and every 
hour since, I have felt all that love, respect and attach- 
ment for you, with which length of years, close con- 
nection, and your merits have inspired me. I often 
asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that 
was the last sight I should ever have of you, — and 
though I wished to say, JVb; my fears answered, Yes, 
I called to mind the days of my youth, and found they 
had fled to return no more ; — that I was now descend- 
ing the hill I had been fifty years climbing, and that, 
though I was blest with a good constitution, I was of 
a short lived family, and might soon expect to be en 
tombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts 
darkened the shades and gave a gloom to the picture, 
and, consequently, to my prospect of seeing you again." 
Journeying northward, the Marquis took leave of 
Congress, which was then in session at Trenton. Ap- 
propriate marks of consideration were awarded him 
by that body, who appointed a committee, consisting 
of one member from each state, to receive and take 
leave of him in their name. They instructed the com- 
mittee to assure Lafayette " that Congress continue to 
entertain the same high sense of his abihties and zeal 
to promote the welfare of America, both here and in 
Europe, which they have frequently expressed and 
manifested on former occasions, and which the recent 
marks of his attention to their commercial and other 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 221 

interests, have perfectly confirmed. That, as his uni- 
form and unceasing attachment to this country has 
resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the United States 
regard him with particular affection, and will not cease 
to feel an interest in whatever may concern his honor 
and prosperity ; — and that their best and kindest 
wishes will always attend him." Mr. Jay, as chairman 
of the committee, communicated to the Marquis these 
instructions, and received a reply, every syllable of 
which came warmly from a heart still beating with 
affection for the new born Republic. It concluded as 
follows : " In unbounded wishes to America, Sir, I am 
happy to observe the prevailing disposition of the peo- 
ple to strengthen the confederation, preserve pubhc 
faith, regulate trade, and, in a proper guard over conti- 
nental magazines and frontier posts, in a general system 
of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure 
every kind of safety. May this immense temple of 

FREEDOM EVER STAND A LESSON TO OPPRESSORS, AN 
EXAMPLE TO THE OPPRESSED, AND A SANCTUARY FOR 

THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND ! and may these happy United 
States attain that complete splendor" and prosperity 
which will illustrate the blessings of their government, 
and for ages to come, rejoice the departed souls of its 
founders." May it stand! Perish the hand that 
would dare to pluck a stone from this majestic temple, 
after this prayer for its perpetuity from the lips of one 
in whose blood was laid its corner stone. Patriotism 
now re-utters the invocation of Lafayette, and prays 
that age after age may only strengthen the foundations 



222 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of this edifice, and that each revolving cycle of time 
may find it indeed to be, 

** monumentum aere perennius 
Regalique situ, pyramidum altius." — Horace, 

With the blessing of every one resting upon him, 
Lafayette proceeded on to New York and embarked 
again for France. On the 25th of December, 1784, 
he sailed from America for the third time, and after a 
prosperous voyage on board the La Nymphe Frigate, 
he arrived in Paris on the 25th of January, 1785. 

Again in Europe, the mind of Lafayette became 
incessantly active on the interesting •and important 
field w^hich opened before him. He now entered the 
theater of European poHtics for the first time, though 
his connection with American history did not yet 
wholly cease. He still interested ^limself in the wel- 
fare of the new Republic, whose commercial interests 
with Europe, and particularly with France, he spared 
no pains to establish. That his services were appre- 
ciated, is seen in a letter from Washington to him, 
dated Sept. 1st, 1785, in which he assured the Mar- 
quis that his constant attention, and unwearied endea- 
vors to serve the interests of the United States could 
not fail to keep alive in them a grateful sensibility, and 
preserve for him the affectionate regard of all their 
citizens. 

During the year 1785 the Marquis visited his estates 
in Tourraine and afterwards visited the courts of 
many of the German princes, where were added extra- 
ordinary tokens of the admiration which his military 



MARQUIS DE LAPAYETTE. 223 

and political conduct had diffused over Europe. But 
at MO time did he disguise the love for freedom which 
was the master passion of his being. The flattering 
distinction with which he was greeted by the different 
crowned heads whom he visited could not extinguish 
this. The attention which he every where received, 
even in the midst of the most rigid aristocracy and 
monarchy, showed how much the man could make 
himself felt, simply by the force of his own character 
and innate worth. In September of this year, he 
attended at Pottsdam the grand reviews of Frederic 
the Great, and greatly enriched his own experience by 
the sight of fifty thousand men going through the 
varied evolutions of battles, sieges and storms, under 
the personal direction of the most accomplished Gene- 
ral of his age. ^ When Frederic was advised of the 
presence of Lafayette, he sent an aid de camp and 
invited him to Sans Soucie without delay. Frederic 
was a tyrant, but in many respects he had a great 
soul, and on the present occasion he did not conceal 
from Lafayette the admiration which he felt for his 
character and that of Washington. With a nobleness 
which few despots possess, he treated with marked 
attention the still youthful hero whose heart was beat- 
ing to an impulse which would crush his despotism 
and hurl him from his throne. The tvrant and the 
defender of liberty held long and interesting conver- 
sations together, in which the American Revolution 
and the progress of free principles were the prominent 
topics. In one of these conversations Frederic ex- 
pressed the opinion that America would not long con- 



224 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tinue a republic. ** By and by," said he, '* she will 
return to the good old system." Lafayette replied 
with warmth and enthusiasm, " Never, Sire, never," 
said he, " neither monarchy, nor aristocracy, can 
ever exist in America." " Sir," said Frederic, with 
one of those penetrating looks which he knew so 
well how to command, ** Sir, I knew a young man, 
who, after having visited countries where liberty and 
equality reigned, conceived the idea of estabhshing 
the same system in his own country. Do you know 
what happened to him 1" " No, Sire." " He was 
hanged," said the King. Lafayette looked up with a 
calm smile which neither betrayed fear, nor indicated 
in the least, to the anxious Frederic, what were his 
secret thoughts. A cloud, rather than a smile, would 
have rested upon the countenance of both King and 
Marquis, could they have foreseen the events of the 
next ten years. This unwritten history was to be full 
of moment to them both. Lafayette remained for 
some days enjoying the hospitahty and kindness of the 
King, and when the time came for them to part, it 
was with mutual regard. Upon taking his leave, 
Frederic presented the Marquis with his miniature 
set in diamonds, and with sincere affection expressed 
the hope that this memento might often recall his 
image to his thoughts. 

Lafayette's love of liberty and hatred of oppression 
were sincere and unfeigned. His great heart would 
have swept the world from tyranny of every shap^, 
and have sent the glad rills of freedom flowing through 
every nation, and murmuring around every hearth- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 225 

stone their joyous music. His sympathy was all alive 
for the oppressed African race. He was not one of 
that class so prevalent in our own time, who make 
their long and loud discourse about the blessings of 
liberty, while, at the same time, they are busily engaged 
in forging more strongly the chains of slavery. He 
had none of that mockery which would sing of free- 
dom to the clank of the slave's fetters, and the music 
of his groans. His heart bled, as every great and phi- 
lanthropic heart must do, over the woes of negro 
slavery. As Madame de Stael truly remarks, wher- 
ever a certain depth of thought exists, throughout the 
world, there is not to be found an enemy to freedom. 
From one end of the world to the other, the friends 
of freedom maintain communication by knowledge, as 
religious men by sentiments ; — or, rather, knowledge 
and sentiment unite in the love of freedom, as in that 
of the Supreme Being. The principles of liberty must 
live in every great soul, and make every generous 
heart palpitate, like love and friendship. One connec- 
ted series of virtues and ideas, found in every true- 
hearted man, seems to form that golden chain, described 
by Homer, which, in binding man to Heaven, delivers 
him from all the fetters of tyranny. Lafayette formed 
one, and that, too, a conspicuous link, in the chain which 
binds together the brotherhood of great men. He ha- 
ted slavery because he was a great man, and as such 
could not do otherwise. Soon after the completion of 
the American war, he wrote to Washington upon the 
subject. "Permit me, my dear General," said he, 
" new that you are about to enjoy some repose, to pro- 



226 LIFE OF GENERAL 

pose a plan for elevating the African race. Let us 
unite in purchasing a small estate, where we may try 
the experiment to free the negroes, and use them only 
as tenants. Such an example as yours, would render 
the practice general, and if we should succeed in Ame- 
rica, I will cheerfully devote a part of my time to 
render the plan fashionable in the West Indies. If it 
be a wild scheme, I would rather be mad in that way, 
than be thought wise on the other tack." This plan, 
Lafayette now began to put in execution. He pur- 
chased a plantation in Cayenne, with a large number 
of slaves, and, proposing their gradual emancipation, he 
began to fit them for a proper enjoyment of their free- 
dom, by a thorough course of education. In this he 
was guided only by the purest benevolence, and had 
the satisfaction of finding that his efforts were not in 
vain. He had the pleasure of a cordial sympathy with 
his views from distinguished American patriots, who 
had not learned to despise the inalienable rights of man, 
for which they had so long striven. . ,^* Washington, 
Adams, Franklin, Jeffersorij M-'di^on, Patrick Henry 
and others, gave him their cheerful aid. Washington 
wrote to him. May 10th, 1786, in which he thus alludes 
to his scheme : — " Your late purchase in Cayenne, 
with a view of emancipating your slaves, is a generous 
and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a 
like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds 
of the people of this country. But I despair of seeing 
it. Some petitions were presented to the Virginia As- 
sembly, at its last session, for the abolition of slavery, 
but they could scarcely obtain a hearing. To set the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 227 

slaves afloat at once, would, I really believe, be pro- 
ductive of much inconvenience and mischief; — but, by 
degrees, it certainly might, and assuredly ought, to be 
effected, and that, too, by legislative authority." It 
might be well if the sentiments of Washington and La- 
fayette actuated the councils of the nation which they 
labored effectually to bless with the boon of freedom. 

This period was also distinguised by the efforts of 
Lafayette in behalf of the persecuted French Protes- 
tants. Though himself belonging to the Romish 
Church, he had none of the bigotry or intolerance so 
generally seen in that body, but hated the tyranny of a 
priesthood as intensely as that of a king. He made a 
visit to the Protestants who chiefly resided in the south 
of France, and having carefully inquired into their 
grievances, returned to Paris and applied his energies 
to their removal. Despotism was made to stay its 
hand before his efforts, bigotry relaxed its stern grasp, 
" and justice gave back to the oppressed the invaluable, 
inalienable, right to worship God in their own way — to 
obey Him rather than man." 



* CHAPTER VII. 

A NEW ERA IN Lafayette's History — Causes which led to the French 
Revolution — Mistaken views concerning it — Character op Louis 
XVI — State of the Nation — The wheel of Revolution begins to 
MOVE — Assembly op Notables — Lafayette a member — The States 
Gereral — The tiers etat and the nobles — Union op the three es- 
tates — Lafayette's Oratory — The Bill of Rights — Outbreak op 
the people — Destruction of the Bastile — Lafayette commands the 
National Guards — Murder of Foulon— Refutation of slanders against 
Lafayette — Mob of Women — Judicious course op Lafayette — The 
Royal Family leave Versailles for Paris — Reconciliation again — Ca- 

LEBRATieN OF THE FOURTEENTH OF JULY — MAGNIFICENT FESTIVAL — LA- 
FAYETTE refuses THE COMMAND OP ALL THE NATIONAL GUARDS OF FrANCB 

— His true nobility op soul. 

Though we are still to contemplate Lafayette as the 
same exalted character, we shall now view him in a 
different theater, and an actor in widely different 
scenes. Having accomplished his sublime mission 
upon a foreign soil, the mighty question now before 
his thought was, Why may not France be as free as 
America 1 While on his visit to Frederic the Great, 
said he — " Do you believe that I went to America to 
obtain military reputation 1 — It was for liberty I went 
there. He who loves liberty can only remain quiet 
after having established it in his own country." These 
remarkable words indicated fully what was the desire 
of his heart towards France, and what would be his 
course of action whenever a favorable opportunity 
should arise. He was ready for any sacrifice, and his 
wakeful discernment could not fail to perceive that the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 229 

time was coming when one would have to be made. 
Clouds, dark and heavy, were gathered around the po- 
litical horizon, in whose threatening aspect he clearly 
read the foreboded storm. What if it be a tempest, 
he asked of himself, which shall overthrow every 
tower of despotism, and leave only the ruins upon 
which may be erected the more glorious edifice of 
freedom ! His heart answered calmly — Thus let it be. 
Before bearing the reader to the French Revolution, 
in medias res^ it will be necessary briefly to sketch the 
causes which gave rise to that remarkable period in 
history. The atrocities to which it led, have hung a 
pall of gloom and terror around it, which makes the 
mind associate with it only the idea of anarchy and 
reckless ferocity. We do not wish to palliate at alJ 
these features in this Revolution, and only set the mat- 
ter in its true light when we say that, its beginning did 
not at all contemplate such an end. Its origin lay in 
the progress of the democratic principle which had ad- 
vanced to decisive action, in the revolutionary struggles 
of both Britain and her revolted colonies. France had 
been ripening long for such an outbreak. The English 
struggle in the seventeenth century, would have awa- 
kened, at the same time, a corresponding one in 
France, had the reins of the French Government been 
then held by a tyrant as weak-minded and inefficient 
as Charles. Louis XIV. ruled his people with a rod 
of iron, but his dazzling genius commanded their re- 
spect, and the height of glory to which he was raising 
France, won from them shouts of admiration, even 
amid the groans of their oppression. During his reign 



230 LIFE OF GENERAL 

it was, that absolute monarchy was definitely esta- 
blished. The crown arrogated the right to dispose alike 
of person and of property, without the slightest regard 
to law or equity. Parliament had no longer any will 
of its own, the noblesse were reduced to a state of 
perfect dependence, and at the close of the life of the 
greatest king she had known since the days of Charle- 
magne, France lay manacled in every limb. Still, out- 
wardly, all was fair. The clear sky did not reveal the 
sleeping thunder. Commerce was flourishing ; — sci- 
ence and art were shedding their mild glories over the 
nation; — letters were cultivated, and the military re- 
putation of France was known and respected through- 
out Europe ; but underneath this fair exterior, were 
kindled the slow fires of an earthquake, destined to 
rock half a continent in its march, and crumble the 
throne of an ancient and powerful monarchy. 

A reaction ensued immediately upon the death of 
Louis XIV., but the ascendency which the crown had 
gained during his reign, enabled his successor to main- 
tain his prerogatives against the encroachments of par- 
liament, while he perceived that the struggle between 
king and people was fast hastening to the unequal con- 
test. Louis XVI. took the scepter in 1774, a prince 
,waark-minded, but amiable, and willing to do all in his 
power to lessen the burdens under which his people 
were groaning. He had a good heart but a poor head; 
and while he did every thing with the best intentions, 
it was his misfortune to succeed in nothing. It was 
suicidal for him to encourage and aid the American 
Revolution as he did, for this was, without doubt, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 231 

accessor)'' to that which occurred in France. Says a 
historian of this event, — " It is difficult to suppose that 
so many thousand officers and soldiers had visited and 
fought in behalf of the rights of America, without 
being imbued with something of a kindred spirit. 
There, they beheld a new and happy nation, among 
whom the pride of birth and the distinctions of rank 
were alike unknown; there they, for the first time, saw 
virtue, and talents, and courage, rewarded; there they 
viewed, with surprise, a sovereign people fighting, not 
for a master, but themselves, and haranguing, delibe- 
rating, dispensing justice, and administering the laws, 
by representatives of their own free choice. On their 
return, the contrast was odious and intolerable ; — they 
beheld family preferred to merit, influence to justice, 
wealth to worth ; — they began to examine into a con- 
stitution, in which the monarch, whom they were now 
accustomed to consider as only the first magistrate, 
was everything, and the people, the fountain of all 
power, merely cyphers ; — and they may well be 
supposed to have wished, and even languished, for a 
change. 

" In fine, the people being left entirely destitute of 
redress or protection, the royal authority paramount 
and unbounded ; — the laws venal, the peasantry op- 
pressed ; agriculture in a languishing state, commerce 
considered as degrading ; the public revenues farmed 
out to greedy financiers ; the public money consumed 
by a court wallowing in luxury ; and every institution 
at variance with justice, policy, and neason ; — a change 
became inevitable in the ordinary course of human 



232 LIFE OF GENERAL 

events ; and, like all sudden alterations in corrupt 
states, was accompanied with temporary evils and 
crimes, that made many good men look back on the 
ancient despotism with a sigh." No revolution can be 
accomplished without some temporary evils, and the 
fact that these were manifold in France does not affect 
the purity of the motives which moved the authors of 
rebellion. P'^t it was not alone the influence, of the 
officers and soldiers fresh from the field of American 
liberty, nor the hand of despotism upon the exasperated 
masses, which gave the greatest shock to the tottering 
dynasty of the Bourbons. The most fatal blow was 
given by the derangement of the public finances which 
already elicited loud murmurs throughout the kingdom. 
The annual deficit amounted to millions, and after ha- 
ving exhausted every resource to supply it, Louis and 
his ministers beheld the fearful gulf, from which they 
could only recoil by a step almost as disastrous as ruin 
itself. The forcible and illegal exactions, which, in the 
seventeenth century, had proved destructive to Charles 
in England, the King dared not avail himself of, for, in 
his weakness, he knew that it would involve him in com- 
plete overthrow. After long vacillation, at one time 
under the control of the ministry, at another blindly 
influenced by the queen ; — now ready to make any 
concessions to Parliament and his people, and again 
sternly refusing to yield at all, the King placed M. de 
Calonne at the head of his cabinet and tacitly Com- 
mitted his fortunes into his hands. At this point the 
wheel of Revolution began to move. 

De Calonne saw at a glance the true position of af- 



^ MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 233 

fairs. He perceived that the finances of the kingdom 
could never be successfully arranged, except by a re- 
form which would strike a blow at the very root of 
the evil, as it lay in the French constitution itself. To 
accomplish this was more than King or Parliament 
could do, and the mind of the minister turned towards 
the States-General, the true and legitimate Assembly 
of the nation, believing that hope could rise from no 
other source. This Body had not met since the year 
1614, and when de Calonne proposed that it again be 
convened, the mind of the Sovereign revolted from it 
with terror. The States-General would be composed 
of representative from every class in his kingdom, and 
Louis shrunk with instinctive apprehension from a 
meeting which would submit his affairs to the closest 
scrutiny of those whom he knew were suffering the 
weight of his exactions. Another assembly had been 
occasionally substituted instead of this, and as it con- 
sisted only of those who were nominated by the King 
himself, Louis determined to invoke it. This was 
called the Assembly of JVotables, and on the 29th of 
December, 1786, the royal proclamation was issued 
summoning them to meet and take into consideration 
the state of the realm. 

Lafayette was chosen a member, and on the 22d of 
February, 1787, he took his seat with his associates, 
prepared for a bold endeavor in the removal of grie- 
vances past endurance. His own loved France was 
dearer than ever to his heart, now that he saw her 
struggling under the weight of an oppression which 
made every feeling of his soul burn with indignation. 



234 LIFE OF GENERAL ^ 

The enormous deficit of over a hundred millrons of 
livres, could not be kept secret, and when made known, 
Lafayette, and other members of the Assembly, saw 
that something more was necessary than merely to 
supply this present need. The investigation into the 
public matters, urgently demanded by the Assembly, 
and at last reluctantly granted by the King, showed a 
monstrous growth of evil and corruption which could 
not with safety again be concealed. The festering 
wound had been already allowed to prey too long in 
secret upon the body politic, and now that it had once 
been opened, it could not be outwardly closed till it 
was internally healed. 

Lafayette, as usual, busied himself in the work of 
reform. The enormous peculation which existed in 
every department; — the shameful manner in which the 
administration of justice was conducted ; — the illegal 
taxes which had been levied upon the people ; — the 
violent subversion of right, and the long train of abuses 
which royal authority had sanctioned, and ministerial 
influence executed, revealed to him wrongs which his 
mind, though partially prepared for a disclosure, had 
yet never dreamed to exist. The abyss of corruption, 
as it was fully displayed, startled for a moment but did 
not appal him. He calmly surveyed its depth, and 
with the same spirit which had borne him fearlessly 
amid the onset of battle prepared for the crisis beft^re 
him. He rose from his seat, and with dignified firm- 
ness, uttered his protest against the prevailing evils, 
and demanded redress. With stern rebuke he con- 
demned the system which had been so fatally practiced 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 235 

by the government, and with a courage not at all 
intimidated by the fact that a younger brother of the 
King was President of the Council, he exhibited the 
disorder to which this had led in all the public depart- 
ments. '' I repeat," he concluded, " with renewed 
confidence, the remark, that the millions which are 
dissipated, are collected by taxation, and that taxa- 
tion can only be justified by the real wants of the 
state ; — that the millions abandoned to peculation or 
avarice, are the fruits of the labor, the tears, and per- 
haps the blood, of the people ; — and that the compu- 
tation of unfortunate individuals, which has been 
ma^e for the purpose of realizing sums so heedlessly 
squandered, affords a frightful subject of consideration 
for the justice and goodness which, we feel convinced, 
are the natural sentiments of his majesty." ^- 

The reforms which Lafayette urged were too mo- 
mentous, and involved principles too novel, to imme- 
diately enlist in their execution, men who had grown 
gray in the dream that France could never be other- 
wise than she had been ; but he was unmoved by his 
comparative isolation. He knew that in the seed he 
was scattering there, was a vital energy which would 
at length develope itself and bring forth fruit in its 
maturity. The free principles which he, and a few 
other kindred souls, uttered in the Assembly, sent a 
strange thrill to the breasts of the old aristocracy, 
and smote the heart of the monarch with strange fore- 
boding , but though apparently overborne by the tide 
of opposition, Lafayette was confident that they could 

not perish. . Thev will rise again, was his unfaltering 
16 



236 LIFE OF GENERAL 



language, and their notes will be heard above the crj 
of oppression, and will ring in the ear of tyranny till 
its voice shall be mute forever. 

Before the Assembly closed its session, Lafayette 
saw clear indications that he had not spoken in vain. 
The accents of truth had been heard, and with inter- 
est and delight he watched the energy of their quiet 
might. He did not, for a moment, relax his efforts. 
With an eye that never quailed, he looked upon the 
scowling minions of despotism around him, and heard 
without misgiving, threats which came to him in no 
ambiguous form. It was proposed to the King, that he 
be sent to the Bastile, but the Marquis only smiled at 
the menace, and toiled on in his work. Favors could 
not bribe, frowns could not force, him from his pur- 
pose. He discerned from the first a radical error in 
attempting to originate all the necessary reforms in a 
body, constituted as was the Assembly of Notables. 
It was the common people who were burdened, and 
these had no representation there. Every attempt in 
behalf of these, would fail unless they themselves 
could send a delegation which should bring their own 
wants and sufferings before those who held the power 
of relief. Lafayette felt that the Notables should 
give way for the States-General, and this conviction 
he openly expressed to the former. The known hos- 
tility of the King to this measure, and the fact that 
if adopted would greatly abridge the privileges of the 
nobility, interposed no barrier to Lafayette. He 
offered to the Assembly a memorial for the King, in 
which, after having, in a masterly manner, recounted 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 237 

the existing evils, he entreated his majesty to convoke 
a JSational Assembly, w^hich might accomplish the 
regeneration of France. When this was offered, the 
President of the Council started from his seat in 
amazement, " What, sir," said he, " do you ask for 
the convocation of the States-General 1" 

" Yes, my lord, and even more than that," was the 
calm reply. 

" You wish me, then, to write, and to carry to the 
King, that the Marquis de Lafayette moves to con- 
voke the States-General 1" 

" Yes, my lord." 

The proposition, which met with but little favor 
when first uttered in the Assembly, was hailed with 
acclamation by the public. The notables, appalled 
by the increasing difficulties before them, at length 
yielded to the public clamor, and the King, borne on 
against his will, issued the royal edict, and com- 
manded the States-General to meet. This was the 
first act of a tragedy, in which he was to be the 
slain victim ; and although he did not discern the 
prophetic present, others read, clearly as if a hand- 
writing were tracing characters of fire on the palace- 
walls, the fearful announcement of his doom ! 

The first Assembly was convoked by Philippe le 
Bel, in 1303, and had since been convened at irregu- 
lar periods, and at times of peculiar exigency to the 
kingdom. It was composed of the three estates of 
the kingdom, the nobles, the clergy, and the tiers 
etatj or common people, in such numbers and pro- 
portions as the King, or some council which he should 



238 LIFE OF GENERAL 

choose to consult, should determine. Here arose the 
first difficulty in the construction of the new States, 
General. Louis shrunk from allowing the common 
people a prominent representation, and they would 
not be satisfied without it. It was contended that 
the tiers etat comprised the great body of the nation, 
and though owning but a small portion of the land 
it tilled the whole, and was entitled in reason and 
justice, to a number of deputies, equal at least, to 
that of the two other orders. Louis hesitated to de- 
cide the matter either for or against the people, and 
referred the w^hole subject to the notables. Free 
principles had been gaining ground with them, but 
not to the extent which would prevent a struggle, 
while justice and liberty attained the ascendant. A 
stormy debate arose in which the friends of freedom 
encountered the bitter hostility to right, sanctioned by 
ancient custom, and fostered by hoary prejudice. 
Lafayette, of course, espoused the cause of the masses, 
and lifted his voice earnestly in their behalf, but it 
was in vain ; and the decision was at length given 
against the measure. 

Neither the King nor the Assembly, was prepared 
for the storm that ensued. An outcry was he^rd 
throughout the realm, from the down trodden classes, 
declaring that they would submit to injustice no 
longer. A host of writers appeared, whose burning 
language fed the flame of excitement and kindled 
the fiercest resentment in every quarter of France. 
*'Give us the States-General!" was the shout which 
came like the sound of many waters on every breeze 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 230 

to the ears of the King, and rolled unceasingly over 
Paris. From the Alps, the Pyrennees, the plains of 
Flanders, the borders of the Channel, and the shores 
of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, the wild cry 
of determination was uttered. The King, unable to 
resist the tempest took the wisest course, and bowed 
before its might. A royal proclamation was issued 
ordaining that the total number of deputies for the 
States-General, should be at least a thousand, conce- 
ding the grand point that the representation of the 
tiers etat should be equal to that of the other two 
orders united. 

This body, whose strange history so far as con- 
nected with the subject of our narration, we now 
proceed to unfold, assembled on the 5th of May, 
1789. The republicans in principle, congratulated 
themselves on the prospect before them, and believed 
that the time for the regeneration of France was at 
hand. Lafayette was chosen a deputy without oppo- 
sition, by the nobility of Auvergne, and took his seat, 
supported in his views by the deepest feehng in the 
nation. The Assembly was opened with great pomp. 
A solemn procession of extraordinary magnificence 
took place, in which the King, the three orders, and 
all the great dignitaries of state, repaired to the 
church of Notre Dame, and invoked the blessing of 
Heaven to crown the deliberations about to commence. 
It was a splendid spectacle, and greeted with the 
most joyous acclamations. Says one who formed a 
part of the procession, — " The streets were hung 
with tapestry belonging to the crown ; — the regi- 



240 [LIFE OF GENERAL 

ments of the French and Swiss guards formed a line 
from Notre Dame to Saint Louis ; — an immense con- 
course of people looked on, as we passed, in respect- 
ful silence ; — the balconies were adorned with costly 
stuffs, the windows filled with spectators of all ages 
and both sexes ; — every face bespoke kindly emo- 
tions, every eye sparkled with joy ; — the clapping 
of hands, expressions of the warmest interest, the 
looks that met us and that still followed after we 
were out of sight, formed a rapturous, enchanting 
scene, to which I should vainly strive to do justice. 
Bands of music, placed at intervals, rent the air with 
melodious sounds, military marches, the rolling of 
drums, the clang of trumpets, the noble chants of the 
priests, alternately heard, without discordance, with- 
out confusion, enlivened this triumphal procession to 
the temple of the Almighty." 

At the first meeting of the Assembly for the trans- 
action of business, the three orders convened in sepa- 
rate departments. The great Hall of the States was 
assigned to the tiers Stat, and the first step of this body 
was to send up a proposition that the three estates 
should assemble together for the purpose of examining 
and verifying in common the credentials of the mem- 
bers. This was rejected by the nobles and the clergy, 
but persisted in by the tiers etatj who refused to organ- 
ize till the point was yielded. Lafayette advocated the 
proposed method of verification, but it was too humili- 
ating for the aristocracy to allow their credentials to 
be inquired into by the populace, and they resolutely 
refused to meet them. After a long contest, the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 241 

States-General found themselves, at the end of five 
weeks, in the same inactive state as at first. Nothing 
had been done except proposals for union by the one 
party, and obstinate rejection of them by the other. 
This course seemed likely to continue till the pa- 
tience of those who had anticipated so much from the 
Assembly should be wholly exhausted. It was at 
this juncture that the tiers etat resolved upon action 
fraught with most momentous consequences to the 
subsequent history of the revolution. They made a 
last attempt at union, and finding this to fail, they 
resolved themselves into a legislative body under the 
name of the National Assembly, and on the memo- 
rable 17th of June, 1789, made the announcement to 
the public, expressing their intention to accomplish 
their work of political reform. It was entirely unex- 
pected, and received with consternation by the court 
and privileged classes. It was in vain, however, for 
them to oppose. The King attempted to interpose 
his prerogative, and the nobility asserted its rights, 
but neither could shake the decision, and both Louis 
and his advisers were at length forced to comply 
with its conditions. Lafayette strenuously advocated 
the union, and with a noble minority of forty-seven 
members, embracing distinguished citizens, he opposed 
the proceedings of the court. He warned the nobles 
to beware lest their resistance to the measure should 
only destroy themselves. He told them that they I 
were clinging to a tottering fabric, whose crumbling' 
foundations would at last fail and bring upon theml 
a general destruction • — that persisting in their pre- 1 



242 LIFE OF GENERAL 

sent position, they were taking a course of folly and 
madness, like the shipwrecked sailor in the midst of 
the ocean and the storm, throwing away the only 
plank which could save him, and buffeting alone the 
billows. But they saw no danger, and urged the 
King to interfere for the protection of his crown 
and their ancestral honors. Louis, jealous of his own 
sovereignty, undertook the work, and proposed by his 
own presence to awe, as he termed them, his rebel- 
lious subjects into submission. Before, however, 
appearing in their meeting, he chose to make a dis- 
play of his authority, by closing the doors and sta- 
tioning a guard over the Hall where the soi-disant 
National Assembly was accustomed to hold its sit- 
tings. Such interposition, guided by the blindest 
infatuation, was only adding oil to the flames, which 
were burning full fiercely en.ough before. The depu- 
ties, gathering to the morning session on the 20th of 
June, were told by the police of soldiers, that the 
King had adjourned their sitting until the 22d. As- 
tonishment was the first emotion, which soon gave 
way to one of exasperation and sternest purpose. 
^ Their former place of mee'ting was denied them, and 
they proceeded to another, w^here they calmly delibe- 
* rated upon the darkening future. The Rubicon Was 
passed, and there now went up accents more start- 
hng and more united, than had ever been heard in 
France. They fell like a death knell upon the ear 
of monarchy, and made the throne of despotism rock 
upon its heavy base. It demanded a Constitution 
FOR THE French People, which should embrace is 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 243 

its provisions, governor and governed alike, making 
both strictly amenable to its sanctions. And in full 
view of the indignity which had that day been offered 
to them by the crown, and through them to the peo- 
ple, they solemnly resolved, under an oath adminis- 
tered to them in open assembly, to which all but one 
of the deputies subscribed, " never to separate, and 
to assemble whenever circumstances should require, 
till the constitution of the kingdom should be esta- 
bhshed and founded on a solid basis." The Assembly 
of the tiers Stat in their Hall, was farther postponed 
by the King, till the 23d, and upon assembling on 
the morning of that day, they found a guard still 
in attendance. For a long time they were denied 
entrance, and when this was granted, they found 
their seats already occupied by the higher classes. 
In sullen silerf6e they ranged themselves about the 
Hall, eaefi one determining for the present to hear 
and not to speak. The bayonet glittered there and 
the parade of royalty, but none were moved by 
either. The King addressed them, not with words 
of conciliation to win them back, but with haughty 
arrogance, well adapted to increase resistance. He 
annulled all the previous proceedi^s of the tiers etat 
and energetically reproved them for assuming to 
themselves the liberty to act, without the union or 
consent of the higher orders. He reproached them 
for taking the title of National Assembly and bade 
them abandon it. He told them that he was the sole 
representative of the people, and that if he met with 
fresh obstacles from the Assembly, he would take the 



244 LIFE OF GENERAL 

matter into his own hands, and singly establish the 
welfare of France. The King concluded his address, 
and ordered the Assembly to separate immediately. 
He left the Hall, followed by the nobility and part 
of the clergy, while the majority of the ecclesiastics 
and the commons remained. For a time no one 
spoke. The echoes of the retiring footsteps of Louis 
had died away, the last shouts of vive le Roi were 
lost in the distance, and still the profoundest silence 
reigned in the chamber, where the parade of autho- 
rity, and the pomp of power, had been so lately seen. 
At length there was a movement, and a man of mid 
die stature, with a sullen countenance disfigured by 
the marks of the small pox, with eyes small, but now 
twinkling with star-like brightness, his hair thick and 
uncombed, flowing down over his shoulders, — rose 
and addressed the assembly. It was Mirabeau. 
"Gentlemen," said he, *'I grant that it may be for 
the present peace and quiet of the country, that we 
should give heed to the instructions we have just 
received. But the presence of despotism here is 
fraught with infinite danger ! To devise good for 
the nation we must deliberate, and to deliberate we 
must be free. What means this insulting dictation ] 
— this threatening display of arms'? — this flagrant 
violation of the national temple 1 Who is it that 
dictates to you the way in which you shall be 
happy 1 He who acts by your commission. Who is 
it that gives you imperious laws ? He who acts by 
your commission, — the minister, who by your appoint- 
ment is vested with the execution of the laws, — of 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 245 

laws which we only have a right to make. Ours is 
an inviolable pohtical priesthood. To us twenty-five 
milhons of people are looking to guard from further 
desecration the sacred ark of liberty, to release them 
from the burdensome yoke which has so long crushed 
them, and to give them back their own inalienable 
right to peace, liberty and happiness. Gentlemen, 
the freedom of your deliberations is attempted to be 
destroyed. The iron chain of despotic prescription is 
laid upon you. A mihtary force surrounds your 
Assembly. Where are the enemies of France 1 Is 
Cataline at our gates 1 Gentlemen ! I demand that, 
clothing yourselves in your dignity and your legisla- 
tive authority, you remain firm in the sacredness of 
your oath, which does not permit us to separate till 
we have framed a constitution ; — till we have given 
a magna charta to France." Then turning to the 
grand master of ceremonies, who at this time inter- 
posed and reminded the assembly of the peremptory 
orders of the King — "Go," he exclaimed, "and tell 
your master that we are here by the order of the 
people, and that we shall depart only at the point of 
the bayonet." 

The Assembly proceeded to business, and without 
a dissenting voice re-afRrmed its rule securing inviola- 
biHty to the members, declaring that any one who 
should offer violence to them, should be considered as 
a traitor and guilty of a capital crime. Day after 
day the sessions continued, and received constantly 
indications that their course was entirely the echo 
of the public will. Addresses were received appro- 



246 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ving m the highest terms the course they had taken, 
and assuring them of the cooperation of the people. 

Lafayette and the few that were with him, who 
had pressed the expediency and the right of uniting 
without delay with the commons, finding argument a 
failure, resolved upon example. With the forty-seven 
who had stood by his side in his struggles, he left 
the nobility and took his seat in the " National As- 
sembly," whither a majority of the clergy had already 
preceded him. The remaining part of the deputies 
continued their separate sittings for a few days longer ; 
but their obstinacy at length gave way before the 
popular excitement. On the 27th of June the three 
orders met together and commenced their delibera- 
tions. 

Lafayette was now watched narrowly by all classes. 
He often spoke in the Assembly, and as ever he had 
done, for freedom. He was not gifted with the fiery 
eloquence of Mirabeau, which swept every thing be- 
fore it like a whirlwind ; his style, though gentle, was 
witty and keen, passing over the audience like the 
pleasant breeze, yet leaving a deep and permanent im- 
pression upon the mind. 

On the 11th of July he brought forward for adpp- 
tion his famous Declaration of Rights ; an instrument 
which would confer imperishable fame, though he 
had no other claim to immortality. It reads as 
follows : — 

" Nature has made all men free and equal ; the 
distinctions which are necessary for social order are 
founded alone on the public good. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 247 

** Man is born with inalienable and imprescriptable 
rights, such as the unshackled liberty of opinion, the 
care of his honor and life, the right of property, the 
complete control over his person, his industry and all 
his faculties ; the free expression of his opinion in 
every possible manner ; the Vi^orship of the Almighty, 
and resistance against oppression. 

" The exercise of natural rights has no other limits 
than those which are necessary to secure their enjoy- 
ments to every member of society. 

"No man can be made subject to laws which he 
has not sanctioned, either himself, or through his 
representatives, and which have not been properly 
promulgated and legally executed. 

" The principle of all sovereignty rests in the peo- 
ple. No body nor individual can possess any authority 
which does not expressly emanate from the nation. 

" The sole end of all government is the public 
good. That good demands that the legislative, ex- 
ecutive and judicial powers should be distinct and 
defined, and that their organization should secure the 
free representation of the citizens, the responsibility of 
their deputies, and the impartiahty of the judges. 

" The laws ought to be clear, precise and uniform, 
in their operation toward every class of citizens. 

"Subsidies ought to be liberally granted, and the 
taxes proportionally distributed. 

" And, as the introduction of abuses, and the rights 
of succeeding generations will require the revisions of 
all human institutions, the nation ought to possess the 
power, in certain cases, to summon an extraordinary 



248 LIFE OF GENERAL 

assembly of deputies, whose sole object shall be to 
examine and correct, if it be necessary, the faults of 
the constitution '? " 

A long debate ensued. It was boldly supported by 
republicans, and as decidedly condemned by the ad- 
herents of despotism. But an argument which the 
former had not sought and which the latter could not 
avoid, soon turned the balance for humanity. A 
lawless mob, feared alike by the friends and foes 
of the Declaration, raised the cry of anarchy and 
rebellion. It was only the first gust of the ap- 
proaching gale, but it shook Paris to its center. The 
volcanic elements which had long been smothered by 
soothing assurances and delusive hopes, broke forth 
and raged with unrestrained fury. The resistless tide 
of insurgents, spreading terror, raged through the 
city, and swept down before it, and scattered in ruins, 
the Bastile, which had been for centuries the bulwark 
of tyranny, the exponent of despotic cruelty. The 
people had begun to understand their rights ; and both 
King and legislature felt that they could not safely 
refuse to concede them. A reconciliation between the 
opposing interests was effected ; the King went in 
person and unattended to the Assembly, and threw 
himself confidingly upon the attachment of his people 
— the mob were made to believe that the King wished 
no infringement upon their rights, and hushed the 
tumult. The Declaration was adopted and outward 
peace reigned again in the capital. 

During the tumult so briefly sketched, Lafayette 
drew the attention and hopes of the nation to himself 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 249 

Every one, his enemies even, was compelled to be- 
lieve in his unsullied honesty and great capacity. The 
key of the demolished Bastile was given to him, as 
the most worthy to receive this memorial of the 
hideous Golgotha of oppression. The National Guards, 
a new order of troops composed of citizens instead 
of mercenary soldiers, for the purpose of protecting 
the people, was formed, and the command was en- 
trusted to Lafayette by the municipality of Paris. 
The appellation of the people's friend was given 
to him all over the kingdom, and while the masses 
exalted him to the rank of a demi-god, the aris- 
tocracy admired his devotion to the mandate of 
duty. Says Toulongeon, " Lafayette, whose name 
and reputation acquired in America, were associated 
with liberty itself, was at the head of the Parisian 
National Guard. He enjoyed at once that entire 
confidence and public esteem which are due to great 
qualities. The faculty of raising the spirits, or rather 
of infusing fresh courage into the heart, was natural 
to him. His external appearance was youthful and 
bold, which is always pleasing to the multitude. His 
manners were simple, popular and engaging. He pos- 
sessed every thing which is wanting to commence and 
terminate a revolution — the brilliant qualities of mili- 
tary activity, and the calm confidence of courage in 
times of public commotion. Lafayette was equal to 
every thing, if every thing had been done fairly and 
openly ; but he was unacquainted with the dark and 
narrow road of intrigue." 

At the head of the Guard, he exerted himself to 
11* 



250 LIFE OF GENERAL 

prevent farther outbreak of violence, but could not 
always restrain the fury of the populace. The fact 
that they did sometimes refuse to obey his counsels, 
has given occasion for the basest slander w^hich Bri- 
tish bigotry could invent. It is asserted by English 
writers, that he v^as the direct instigator of some of 
the very atrocities he desired to prevent. It is espe- 
cially affirmed that he v^^as guilty of the murder of 
the minister Foulon. Foulon was a member of the 
court especially obnoxious to the people, on account 
of his many odious acts in supporting monarchy. He 
was seized by the crowd, who, with a mock show of 
justice, hurried him before the Assembly, and then 
clamored loudly for revenge. No trial could proceed 
amid the uproar, and when the unfortunate Foulon was 
about to be sacrificed on the spot, loud acclamations 
announced the arrival of Lafayette. Placing himself 
by the side of the President, he waved his hand wdth 
an air of majesty over the multitude, and when they 
were hushed to silence, he made an appeal in behalf 
of the minister, which should forever efface from his- 
tory the calumny thrown upon him in connection with 
this transaction. " I am known to you all," said he, 
*' you have appointed me your commander; a station 
which, while it confers honor, imposes upon me the 
duty of speaking to you with that liberty and candor 
which form the basis of my character. You wish, 
without a trial, to put to death the man who is be- 
fore you : such an act of injustice would dishonor 
you ; — it would disgrace me, and were I weak 
enough to permit it, it would blast all the efforts 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 251 

which I have made in favor of Hberty. I will not 
permit it. I am far from pretending to save him, 
if he be guilty, I only desire that the orders of 
the Assembly should be carried into execution, and 
that this man be conducted to prison, to be judged 
by a legal tribunal. I wish the law to be respected; 
— law, without which there can be no liberty; — law, 
without whose aid I would never have contributed 
to the revolution of the new world, and without 
which I will not contribute to the revolution which 
is preparing here. What I advance in favor of the 
forms of law, ought not to be interpreted in favor 
M. Foulon. I am free from suspicion as it regards 
him; — and perhaps the manner in which, on several 
occasions, I have expressed myself with relation to 
his conduct, would alone deprive me of the right of 
judging. But the greater the presumption of his 
guilt is, the more important is it that the usual for- 
mahties should be observed in his case, so as to 
render his punishment more striking, and, by legal 
examinations, to discover his accomplices. I, there- 
fore, command that he be conducted to the, prison of 
L'Abbaye St. Germain." 

These remarks were hailed with applause by those 
within hearing ; who consented that the minister 
sliould be conducted to prison. This sentiment, how- 
ever, did not extend to those without, and in the 
extremity of the hall, who, as soon as Lafayette had 
concluded, sent up their furious call for vengeance 
upon Foulon. Three times the Marquis harangued 
them; but, just as the unfortunate object of the outcry 



262 LIFE OF GENERAL 

began to hope, a shout, more terrible than before, 
blanched his cheek with the foreshadowing of his 
doom. From the square of the Hotel de Ville, and 
from the extreme part of the chamber, a frightful yell 
arose, announcing that the throngs from the Palais- 
Royal, and the faubourg St. Antoine, were coming to 
carry off the prisoner. A roar in the distance, which 
sounded like the surgings of the angry sea, became 
more distinct, till it was heard in frantic tones through 
the passages of the Hotel de Ville, demanding the 
prisoner for execution. A fresh mob broke in upon 
that which already filled the hall, and guided by that 
electric impulse which seems to pervade such a body 
of men, the whole mass rushed impetuously forward, 
and, without regarding the loud intercessions of La- 
fayette, snatched Foulon from his chair and bore him 
triumphantly from the array. The miserable victim, 
despite his piteous supplication, could receive no mercy 
from the hands of those to whom he had shown none, 
and with shouts of infernal exultation, he was hung to 
a lamp iron in front of the Hotel de Ville. 

This deed has been charged upon Lafayette. With 
his life before us, showing his character to be unsoiled 
by a stain of inconsistency, we could not for a mo- 
ment entertain the detraction, if we had nothing posi- 
tive with which to repel it in the very transaction 
itself. And yet, with a jealous bigotry better befit- 
ting a horde of savages, men haye stood up in the 
British Parhament and boldly endeavored to attach 
the crime to his name. If any hing more than his 
attempts to prei^nt the murder, ' necessary to show 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 253 

his abhorrence of it, we have it abundantly in the 
incidents which ensued. Filled with horror, and 
exasperated at the lawlessness of the populace, he 
determined to resign his office as Commander-in-Chief 
of the National Guards. This he did in the following 
letter to the Mayor of Paris, which, as it fully dis- 
closes his feelings at the time, we here insert. It is 
the best comment we can present upon the slanderous 
charge made against him : 

"Sir : — Summoned by the confidence of its citizens 
to the military command of the capital, I have uni- 
formly declared, that in the actual state of affairs, it 
was necessary, to be useful, that confidence should be 
full and universal. I have steadily declared to the 
people, that, although devoted to their interest to my 
last breath, yet I was incapable of purchasing their 
favor by unjustly yielding to their wishes. You are 
aware, sir, that one of the individuals* who perished 
yesterday was placed under a guard, and that the 
other was under the escort of our troops, both being 
sentenced by the civil power to undergo a regular 
trial. Such were the proper means to satisfy justice, 
to discover their accomphces, and to fulfill the solemn 
engagements of every citizen toward the National 
Assembly and the King. 

** The people would not hearken to my advice ; — 



* The two individuals alluded to here, were Foulon and his son-in- 
law, Berthier, and it is a matter worthy of note by those who so unce- 
remoniously call Lafayette a " horrid ruffian,^* that during his command 
these were the only fatal excesses which a mob of lawless Tiolence dis- 
played. 



254 LIFE OF GENERAL 

and the moment when the confidence which they pro- 
mised, and reposed in me, is lost, it becomes my duty, 
as I have before stated, to abandon a post in which I 
can be no longer useful. I am, with respect, &c., 

"Lafayette." 

The estimation in which Lafayette was regarded 
at this time, is fully disclosed by the effect which his 
letter produced. M. Bailly, the mayor of the city, 
laid it before the municipality, who, with one voice 
immediately, and earnestly, solicited its recall. The 
National Assembly received it with universal conster- 
nation. The National Guards flocked around him as 
if to compel him again to take the command. The 
news spread rapidly over the city, and was received 
every where with lamentation. The mayor and coun- 
cil waited upon him in a body, at midnight, and 
solicited him, by every possible motive, to retract his 
resignation. The result was ineffectual, and the next 
day he appeared before them, and thus, in public, 
declared his sentiments : 

"Gentlemen : — I come to acknowledge the last 
testimonies of your kindness, with all the warmth of 
a heart whose first desire, after that of serving the 
people, is to be loved by them, and to express my 
astonishment at the importance they deign to attach 
to an individual, in a free country, where nothing 
should be of real importance except law. If my 
conduct on this occasion, could be regulated by my 
sentiments of gratitude and affection, I should only 
reply to the regrets with which you and the National 
Guards had honored me, by yielding obedience to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 255 

your entreaties ; — but, as I was guided by no feeling 
of private interest when I formed that resolution, so 
also, in the midst of the various causes for agitation 
that surround us, I cannot allow myself to be go- 
verned by my private affections. # # * 

"Gentlemen, when I received such touching proofs 
of affection, too much was done for me and too little 
for the law, I am convinced how well my comrades 
love me, but I am still ignorant to what degree they 
cherish the principles on which liberty is founded. 
Deign to make known to the National Guards this 
sincere avowal of my sentiments. To command them, 
it is necessary that I should feel certain that they 
unanimously believe that the fate of the constitution 
is suspended upon the execution of law, the only sove- 
reign of a free people; — that individual liberty, the 
security of each man's home, religious liberty, and 
respect for legitimate authority, are duties as sacred 
to them as to myself. We require not only courage 
and vigilance, but unanimity in these principles ; and I 
thought, and still think, that the constitution will be 
better served by my resignation, on the grounds 1 
have given, than by my acquiescence in the request 
with which you have deigned to honor me.'' 

Was this the conduct and the language of a *' hor- 
rid ruffian," or of one "ambitious of command." Does 
all this look as if "he used his power to promote 
anarchy and foster a spirit of discord in Paris f The 
whole charge would be too ridiculous to merit a mo- 
ment's attention, did not the source in which it origi- 
nates entitle it to a passing consideration. In this 



256 LIFE OF GENERAL 

circumstance, which has been so foully perverted by 
his enemies, the true reader of history will find a fresh 
laurel to add to the brow of Lafayette. 

The National Guards were assembled awaiting his 
decision, and immediately upon receiving it, they pas- 
sed the following resolution : — " The National Assem- 
bly has decreed that public force should be obedient, 
and a portion of the Parisian army has shown itself 
essentially disobedient. General Lafayette has only 
ceased to command that army because they have 
ceased to obey law. He requires a complete submis- 
sion to the law, not a servile attachment to his person. 
Let the battalions assemble. Let each citizen-soldier 
swear on his word and honor to obey the law. Let 
those who refuse be excluded from the National 
Guards. Let the wish of the army, thus regenerated, 
be carried to General Lafayette, and he will conceive 
it his duty to resume the command." 

Lafayette hesitated, but finally yielded to the wish 
so universally expressed. Thanks were offered him 
by public bodies and private citizens. During the 
time he occupied this post, he manifested the disinte- 
restedness apparent whenever a sacrifice was needed. 
He forgot himself, in his care for the public good. 
When urged by the municipality of Paris to accept 
some remuneration for his services, he refused with 
a generosity unparalleled. "My private fortune," said 
he to them, " secures me from want. It has outlasted 
two revolutions ; and should it survive a third, 
through the complaisance of the people, it shall be- 
long to them alone." In this Revolution, as in the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 257 

i^.merican, Lafayette won the hearts of all observers. 
The great minds of the kingdom looked to him as a 
leading spirit among themselves. '* There is one man 
in the state," said Mirabeau, '^ who, from his position, 
is exposed to the hazard of all events ; — to whom 
successes can offer no compensation for reverses ; 
and who is, in some manner, answerable for the 
repose, we may even say the safety, of the public, — 
and that man is Lafayette." 

Revolutions never go backward. They are the 
development of a germ whose vitality must exhibit 
itself in growth from the action of its own inherent 
law. They have a progress which no human power 
can hold in abeyance. The French Revolution had 
begun its fearful course, and no arm of man could 
arrest it, or long retard its consummation. Day 
by day witnessed its slow but sure advance ; the 
mighty wheel which a baby-hand might have set 
in motion, soon acquired a momentum which the 
strength of a giant could not meet. A force sublimer, 
it would seem, than any at that time understood, was 
working underneath the current, preparing for an 
awful manifestation. Unconscious of it all, the King, 
believing that every thing was settled and himself 
secure, fell back upon his advisers, and forgot that 
he had a people to care for, who were suffering from 
neglect and starvation. Famine was staring thou- 
sands in the face, but ignorant or careless of it, he 
increased his own luxuries and extravagance. In the 
midst of the hunger and wretchedness which reigned 
around 'him, he spread his banquet board and gave 



258 LIFE OF GENERAL 

royal entertainments, as though to mock the misery 
which he would not heal. Royal arrogance looked 
proudly down upon its minions and fancied all was 
peace, because secluded from the scenes of wo. But 
while the saloons of Versailles rung with revelry, a 
sword suspended by a hair, glittered over the head 
of the King ; yet he saw it not. *' Q^em Deus vult 
jperdere prius dementaty 

On the first and third of October magnificent ban- 
quets were held at court, and were soon followed by 
an unexpected response, which told Louis and his 
cabinet the suicidal game they had played. On the 
morning of the fifth of October, a young woman 
rushed into a guard-house, seized a drum and then 
ran with it along the street, beating it hurriedly, and 
crying, '' Bread ! Bread / " It was the signal for a 
general outbreak. Her shriek woke up a thousand 
desolate hearts. Every faubourg through which she 
sped poured forth its crowds, chiefly of women, and 
soon a mighty host were flocking after her and joining 
in her despairing prayer for '' 5reac?/ bread !^^ From 
the markets and public halls ; from dismal and secret 
lurking places, where misery and vice were wont to 
shrink away from the sunlight ; from hearth-stones 
where hopeless penury had urged to crime, they 
rushed forth and seizing such weapons as fell in their 
way, hurried on ; while over them all went up to 
the unanswering heavens, that mad chorus, *' bread ! 
bread ! " They came to the Hotel de Ville where the 
representatives of the commune were accustomed to 
assemble, and their fury knew no bounds when they 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 259 

found that the hour for the morning meeting had not 
yet arrived. They rushed upon a battaUon of the 
National Guards which was drawn up before the hall, 
and drove it back by a volley of stones. They broke 
open the door leading to the great bell and sounded the 
tocsin, whose notes were a peal of alarm to every part 
of the city. All Paris was instantly in motion. The 
earthquake which had slumbered long, was on the 
march. As though by a magic impulse, Paris was in 
a state of complete insurrection. Suddenly the tide 
set towards Versailles and the multitude like the 
ocean, lashed into billows, rolled in dark waves towards 
the royal palace. Lafayette with the first news of 
the riot placed himself at the head of the Guard 
before the Hotel de Ville, but the immense assemblage 
which still continued to blockade him there, prevented 
his learning for some time the tumultuous departure 
for Versailles. "As soon as the tidings reached me," 
to use his own language, " I instantly perceived thai 
whatever might be the consequence of this movement 
the public safety required that I should take part in 
it, and after having received from the Hotel de Ville 
an order and two commissaries, I hastily provided for 
the security of Paris and took the road to Versailles 
at the head of several battalions." Fearing that the 
Guard themselves might be induced to join in the 
revolt he halted on the way and made each one renew 
his oath of obedience to the law, and fidelity to the 
King. He arrived at Versailles about midnight, and 
sent word to the President of the Assembly that the 
army had promised to do its duty and that nothing 



260 LIFE OF GENERAL 

should be done contrary to law. He then repaired to 
the palace, and with every demonstration of respect, 
assured Louis of his own attachment and that of his 
army. The King appeared satisfied with the pre- 
cautions which had been taken and desired him to 
place a guard on the outposts of the palace. The 
inner guard was refused him, but, without a murmur, 
the Marquis left the royal presence and made every 
possible arrangement for safety. He secured the 
hotel of the life guards sent out numerous patrols in 
different directions, saw that sufficient protection was 
thrown around the palace, and then made additional 
arrangements for the quiet of Paris. Not till five 
o'clock in the morning, after more than twenty hours 
unremitting exertion, did he allow his almost ex- 
hausted nature to take the least repose. 

In the immediate vicinity of the royal residence all 
was tranquil, but farther away the aspect of the 
populace presaged another tempest. " Large groups 
of savage men and intoxicated women were seated 
around the watch-fires in all the streets of Versailles, 
and relieved the tedium of a rainy night by singing 
revolutionary songs. In one of these circles their 
exasperation was such, that, seated on the corpse of 
one of the body guard, they devoured the flesh of his 
horse, half-roasted in the flames, while a ring of frantic 
cannibals danced round the group. At six o'clock a 
furious mob rushed towards the palace, and finding a 
gate open,* speedily filled the staircases and vestibules 

* This gate, so carelessly left open, had been entrusted to the life- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 261 

of the royal apartments. The assasins rushed into 
the Queen's room a few minutes after she had left it, 
and, enraged at finding their victim escaped, pierced 
her bed with their bayonets. They then dragged the 
bodies of two of the body guard who had been mas- 
sacred, below the windows of the King, beheaded 
them, and carried the bloody heads in triumph upon 
the points of their pikes through the streets of Ver- 
sailles." 

Lafayette had not yet fallen asleep, and springing 
up at the sound of the tumult, he leaped upon a horse 
and regardless of danger, galloped fearlessly into the 
midst of the fray. The insurgents had taken several 
of the hfe guards from the palace, and with shouts of 
savage vengeance were on the point of slaughtering 
them, when Lafayette appeared among them and 
sternly bade them cease. Having succeeded in libe- 
rating the captives, he sent them back with the 
troops which had escorted him, while, with a courage 
which always rose with peril, he remained alone, to 
stay the living tide. Foiled in their object, with their 
prey wrested from their grasp, the wrath of the mul- 
titude turned upon Lafayette. One of them aimed a 
musket at his head, but observing thie act, though 
without changing his position, he cooly commanded 
the spectators to bring the man to him. The ferocity 
of the tiger was in a moment changed. Lafayette as 



guards in preference to giving the charge of it to Lafayette. All the 
arrangements of the Marquis were perfect, and not a post which he 
bad been entrusted with waa found luiguarded. 



262 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the people's friend was there, and seizing the culprit 
who had dared to lift his arm against his benefactor, 
they dashed out his brains upon the pavement, while 
the welkin rung with " Vive Lafayette.^^ Having 
calmed the excited throngs, the Marquis hastened to 
the palace and was hailed by the acclamations of 
the life guard, ^' Lafayette for ever ! ^^ His grenadiers 
flocked around him and received his mandate to 
protect the monarch with the warmest demonstrations 
of loyalty. The court saw and acknowledged their 
indebtedness to him for life, and gave particular tes- 
timonies of their gratitude. Madame Adelaide, the 
King's aunt, ran up to him and clasped him in her 
arms, saying, "General, you have saved us. I owe 
you more than my life, I owe you that of the King, 
my poor nephew." 

Danger was not yet over, for peace had been only 
temporarily restored. The people began to collect 
again. They crowded into the marble hall, and ex- 
pressed their designs with frightful bowlings. " To 
Paris! to Paris, with the King!" was the fierce call 
which came from men and women without, and fell 
with startling emphasis upon the ear of beleagured 
royalty. A council was held, and Louis determined 
to present himself before his enraged subjects. With 
mild dignity he came out upon the balcony, respect- 
fully attended by Lafayette, and calmly stood in the 
presence of those who, a moment before, burned with 
hostility towards him. This was regarded as a pledge 
from Louis that he would go to Paris, and inquire 
into the distresses of his people, and united with his 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 203 

kingly dignity, gave another interlude to the tragical 
scenes. Fickle as the wind, they now shouted, ''Long 
live the King !" as earnestly as they had hurled their 
anathemas upon his head. 

But while these acclamations were rising, threaten- 
ing voices were heard against the Queen. Marie 
Antoinette had never been a favorite with the French, 
for many, with too much justice, believed that she 
was mainly instrumental in leading Louis to neglect 
the interests of his people. As Lafayette caught 
the imprecations, he stepped back into her saloon and 
respectfully inquired if it was her intention to ac- 
company the King to Paris. " Yes," she replied, 
" although I know the danger." " Madame," said he, 
*' are you resolved ]" — *' I am." — '' Condescend, then, 
to appear in the balcony, and permit me to accompany 
you," said Lafayette. *' What," said the Queen, — 
"without the King? — Have you observed the threats'?" 
"Yes, madame," was the reply, "but venture to con- 
fide in me." With a courage well worthy of a daugh- 
ter of the Caesars, she suffered herself to be conducted, 
by Lafayette, to the balcony. She was dressed in 
white, her head was bare and adorned with beautiful 
fair locks, and with firmness, but great grace and dig- 
nity, she glided forward and stood motionless before 
the crowd. It was a delicate and dangerous step ; — 
but Lafayette well knew that the danger was less 
than it would be, were the Queen to depart for Paris 
without being reconciled to the people. Threats were 
still made, and amid the tumult, it was necessary to 
speak to the eyes rather than to the ears of the multi- 



264 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tude. Stepping forward gallantly, he stooped and 
raised the hand of the Queen to his lips in respectful 
homage. The act was a simple one, but it showed 
how well Lafayette knew to move the popular cur- 
rent. Frenchmen were transported at the sight, and 
the silence which it had at first caused, was soon bro- 
ken by — ^^ Long live the Queen P^ ^^ Long live La- 
fayette!''^ The King looked ^n as if in a dream. His 
palace had been kept from ruin, and his Hfe, with that 
of his family, had been preserved solely through the 
efforts of a man whom he once had serious thoughts 
of consigning to the Bastile. He was compelled to 
ask at his hands still another favor. His body guards 
had fired upon the crowd, and the cry for vengeance 
upon these was deepening. Louis perceived this, and 
believing that his own safety depended upon that of 
his guards, besought Lafayette to interfere in their 
behalf. Beckoning one of them to his side, the Mar- 
quis led him forward before the people, and in the 
midst of curses, he unbuckled his own shoulder belt, 
placed it around the guard, and then clasped him 
affectionally in his arms. The effect was as before. 
The populace hesitated a moment, and then the air 
resounded with their plaudits as they thus ratified this 
new reconciliation. The work was not yet done. It 
was not enough to hush to a momentary quietude the 
human surges sweeping around the palace of Ver- 
sailles. All that mortal man could do, was done by 
Lafayette. The whole direction of every thing was 
surrendered into his hands, and the King, with the re- 
liance which a weaker nature places, in times of adver- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 265 

sity, upon the strong, submitted, like a child, to his 
guidance. Louis had agreed to depart for Paris, and 
with this assurance Lafayette endeavored to appease 
the people. He used commands, entreaties, and every 
resource which his rare ingenuity could suggest, to 
induce them to disperse ; and though he succeeded 
with many, yet a ferocious rabble remained, declaring 
it to be their purpose to -act as an escort to the royal 
cavalcade on its way to the capital. Having used his 
utmost endeavor to pacify them, and, after taking 
every precaution to ensure a quiet reception in Paris, 
he arranged the King's departure, aware that every 
minute's delay was fraught with innumerable dangers. 
Surrounded by the rabble, and compelled to listen to 
their yells of defiance and threatening, the royal 
family set out from Versailles, closely escorted by 
Lafayette and his guards. The whole scene is thus 
described by Lavellette, an eye witness of it : — " At 
twelve o'clock, the frightful procession set off. I hope 
such a scene will never be witnessed again ! I have 
often asked myself, how the metropolis of a nation so 
celebrated for urbanity and elegance of manners, — 
how the brilliant city of Paris, could contain the savage 
hordes I that day beheld, and who so long reigned over 
it ! In walking through the streets of Paris, it seems 
to me, the features even of the lowest and most mise- 
rable class of people, do not present to the eye any 
thing Hke ferociousness or the meanest passions in all 
their hideous energy. Can those passions alter the 
features so as to deprive them of all likeness to huma- 
nity 1 Or, does the terror inspired by the sight of a 



266 LIFE OF GENERAL 

guilty wretch, give him the semblance of a wild beast? 
These madmen, dancing in the mire, and covered 
with mud, surrounded the King's coach. The groups 
that marched foremost, carried on long pikes the 
bloody heads of the life guardsmen, butchered in the 
morning.^ Surely Satan himself first invented the 
putting of a human head at the end of a lance ! The 
disfigured and pale features, the gory locks, the half 
open mouth, the closed eyes, — images of death, added 
to the gestures and salutations which the executioners 
made them perform, in horrid mockery of life, pre- 
sented the most frightful spectacle that rage could 
have imagined. A troop of women, ugly as crime 
itself, swarming like insects, and wearing grenadiers' 
hairy caps, went continually to and fro, howHng bar- 
barous songs, embracing and insulting the life guards. 
This scene lasted for eight hours before the royal 
family arrived at the Place de Greve. They alighted 
at the Hotel de ville, their first resting place during 
protracted misery, that terminated some years after- 
wards in a horrible death. Thus ended the memora- 
ble 6th of October." The part which the Marquis 
bore in these transactions, has been variously repre- 
sented, and his British enemies have found in them 
material for fresh calumnies. We have endeavored 
to give a true account of the matter, leaving the rea- 



* It has been said tliat Lafayette allowed these horrible trophies to 
be paraded near the coach of the King. This is untnie. They could 
not approach the King's coach, and, what is more, Lafayette ordered 
Ihem at once to be disarmed, as soon as he learned what they were 
boaringf. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 267 

der to his own conclusions. It is too late to require 
much time to vindicate Lafayette from those asper- 
sions. His character shines with increased luster each 
succeeding age, and will emerge from eclipse, as the 
sun gradually scatters the mists of morning and 
mounts upward to the zenith. The fact that, almost 
without bloodshed, he was enabled to control a mob 
which might otherwise have resulted in the most ter- 
rific anarchy, is sufficient to vindicate his activity in 
the melancholy events described. 

The outbreak was quelled. The King and his 
household took up their residence in the Tuilleries, 
and the National Assembly held its sittings in Paris. 
Versailles, the seat of intrigue and luxury, was aban- 
doned, and something done for the relief of the op- 
pressed. The voice of the masses had been heard, 
and was producing its slow, but legitimate effect. 
Louis blindly endeavored to hush it, but in vain. La- 
fayette was zealous for freedom, though he did not 
swerve from his allegiance to his sovereign. He saw 
that France was not yet ready for a RepubHc, and 
that the nearest approximation which she could make, 
was by a constitutional monarchy, which would bind 
the king and people together in a united federation. 
Towards this all his efforts were directed, and, as the 
year 1790 opened, he caught glimpses of the realiza- 
tion of this sublime idea. The King distrusted him, 
and his associate members were, many of them, jea- 
lous of his growing popularity ; but, true to himself, 
he did not pause in his mission. He saw the constitu- 
tion growing under the hands of the Assembly, while 

18 



268 LIFE OF GENERAL 

they were shaking from the state the vipers of cor- 
ruption which had fastened upon its vitaHty. The old 
rubbish of the feudal system, which, for ages, had pe- 
netrated with decay the national heart, was cleared 
away, and the King was no longer invested with 
supreme authority over the population of his realm. 
The executive, the legislative, and the judicial depart- 
ments were successively scrutinized, and established 
after a new and more complete model. A free consti- 
tution, whose glorious principles sent fear to every 
despot in Europe, was, at length, established, notwith- 
standing the endeavor to crush the germ of liberty in 
its bud. Louis, vacillating as usual, would sometimes 
give assent to every proposition, and then blindly and 
stubbornly retract. Still progress was made, and 
before the anniversary of the rising of the people 
and the taking of the Bastile had recurred, the foun- 
dation of a republican representation had been laid. 

The 14th of July was approaching, and it was 
determined to celebrate it in a manner worthy the 
anniversary of a nation's deliverance, of a nation's 
sovereignty. The municipality of Paris proposed that 
a confederation of the whole realm should take place 
in the capital, when the deputies sent by the eighty- 
three departments, the popular representation, the Pa- 
risian guard, and the monarch, should take the oath of 
allegiance to the constitution. The plan was hailed 
with enthusiasm over France, and immense prepara- 
tions were immediately commenced for making the 
ceremony worthy of its great object. 

The place selected for the festival was the Champ 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 269 

de Mars, a spacious area extending from the Military 
School to the left bank of the Seine. In the midst 
of the plain an altar was erected, where the oath was 
to be administered, and around it an immense amphi- 
theater was thrown up, where four hundred thousand 
spectators could sit and witness the grand ratification. 
Near the altar, in the center of the plain, and under an 
elegant pavilion, was erected a throne for the King, 
which, together with the seats for the Assembly by 
which it was flanked, was sprinkled all over with 
golden fleurs de lis. Balconies were erected for the 
Queen and court, and triumphal arches of great mag- 
nificence, spanned every entrance to the field. Upon 
the immense labor necessary, twelve thousand laborers 
were constantly employed, and still there was appre- 
hension of failure in completing the work by the time 
appointed for the imposing pageant. The inhabitants 
then proposed to assist ; enthusiasm soon animated the 
entire population, impelled by the one desire of prepa- 
ring for the day irrevocably fixed for the ceremony. 
Men and women, high born and low, flocked together, 
and with perfect order and harmony, plied their busy 
hands. Churchmen, soldiers, elegant females, the nun 
from her convent, the monk from his cloister, — per- 
sons of all classes, took up the spade and pickaxe, and 
mingled amicably together. Says a WTiter of the 
time : — " The mind felt sinking under the weight of a 
delicious intoxication, at the sight of a whole people 
who had descended again to the sweet sentiments of a 
primitive fraternity." 

Meanwhile, the federalists were beginning to assem^ 



270 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ble from 'all quarters of the kingdom, and were recei- 
ved, with open arms, by their brethren in Paris. Four 
days before the celebration, the different deputations 
met in the Hotel de Ville, to chose a president for the 
federation. Lafayette was the only man in the nation 
who"* could be selected for this office, and he was^ 
hailed President by acclamation. He wished to de- 
cline, but the Assembly would not excuse him. His 
faithful devotion to the people, had draivn the nation 
gratefully towards him, and the honor conferred upon 
him, was only a faint expression of the popular regard. 
Then from the rival power, came an equal honor. 
By a special act of the Assembly the King had been 
appointed for the day of the ceremony only, supreme 
commander of the entire National Guard. This office 
he delegated to Lafayette, who, by it, became high 
constable of all the armed men in the kingdom, and, 
in fact, controlled the destinies of France. 

On the 13th of July, the confederates, with the 
Marquis at their head, waited upon the National As- 
sembly and the monarch, to pay them their homage. 
The occasion was one full of interest, and gilded the 
dawn of liberty with new glories. In glowing terms, 
Lafayette addressed the members, and assured them 
of the gratitude of the nation for all they had done 
in her behalf. " You well knew," said he, ** the ne- 
cessities of France, and the will of Frenchmen, when 
you destroyed the gothic fabric of our government 
and laws, and respected only their monarchical prin- 
ciple ; — Europe then discovered that a good king 
could be the protector of a free, as he had been the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 271 

ground of comfort to an oppressed people. The rights 
of man are declared, — the sovereignty of the people 
acknowledged, — their power is representative, — and 
the bases of public order are established. Hasten, 
then, to give energy to the power of the state. The 
people owe to you the glory of a new constitution ; 
but they require and expect that peace and tranquil- 
lity which cannot exist without a firm and effectual 
organization of government. We, gentlemen, devoted 
to the Revolution, and united in the name of liberty — 
the guarantees alike of individual and common rights 
and safety — we, called by the most imperative duty 
from all parts of the kingdom, founding our confidence 
on your wisdom, and our hopes on your services, — ^we 
will bear without hesitation, to the altar of the coun- 
try, the oath which you may dictate to its soldiers. — 
Yes, gentlemen, our arms shall be stretched forth to- 
gether, and, at the same instant, our brothers from all 
parts of France shall utter the oath which will unite 
them together. May the solemnity of that great day 
be the signal of the conciliation of parties; of the obli- 
vion of resentments, and of the establishment of public 
peace and happiness. And fear not that this holy 
enthusiasm will hurry us beyond the proper and pre- 
scribed limits of public order. Under the protection 
of the law, the standard of liberty shall never become 
the rallying point of licentiousness and disorder. Gen- 
tlemen, we swear to you to respect the law which it 
is our duty to defend, — swear by our honor as free- 
men, — land Frenchmen do not promise in vain." To 
Louis he gave the unfeigned assurances of the loyalty 



272 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of his people, and told him that he did not forget the 
rights of the sovereign, while he regarded those of the 
nation. " Sire," said he, " in the course of those me- 
morable events v^^hich have restored to the nation its 
imprescriptible rights, and during v^hich the energy of 
the people, and the virtues of their King, have pro- 
duced such illustrious examples for the contemplation 
of the world, we loved to hail, in the person of your 
majesty, the most illustrious of all titles, — chief of the 
French, and King of a free people. Enjoy, sire, the 
recompense of your virtues, and let that pure homage 
which despotism could not command, be the glory and 
reward of a citizen king. The National Guards of 
France swear to your majesty an obedience which 
shall know no other limits than those of the law, and 
a love which shall only terminate with their exis- 
tence." 

The day of days at length came. Grayly broke 
forth the dawn of the 14th of July. In the words 
of a historian of the Revolution, *' In spite of plotting 
aristocrats, lazy, hired spademen, and almost of des- 
tiny itself — for there had been much rain — the 
Champ de Mars is fairly ready. The morning comes, 
cold for a July one ; but such a festival would make 
Greenland smile. Through every inlet of that na- 
tional amphitheater — for it is a league in circuit, cut 
with openings at due intervals — floods in the living 
throng, covering, without tumult, space after space. 
Two hundred thousand patriotic men, and, twice as 
good, one hundred thousand patriotic women, all 
decked and glorified, as one can fancy, sit waiting 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 273 

in this Champ de Mars. What a picture, that circle 
of bright-dyed life, spread up there on its thirty-seated 
slope, leaning, one would say, on the thick umbrage 
of those avenue trees — for the stems of them are 
hidden by the height ; and all beyond it mere green- 
ness of the summer earth, with the gleam of waters 
or white sparklings of stone edifices. On remotest 
steeple and invisible village belfry stand men with 
spy-glasses. On the heights of Chaillot are many 
colored, undulating groups ; round, and far on, over 
all the circling heights that embosom Paris, it is as 
one, more or less, peopled amphitheater, which the eye 
grows dim with measuring. Nay, heights have can- 
non, and a floating battery of cannon is on the Seine. 
When eye fails, ear shall serve. And all France, 
properly, is but one amphitheater ; for, in paved town 
and unpaved hamlet men walk, listening, till the 
muflled thunder sounds audibly on their horizon, that 
they, too, may begin swearing and firing. But now, 
to streams of music, come confederates enough, for 
they have assembled on the Boulevard St. Antoine, 
and come marching through the city with their eighty- 
three department banners, and blessings, not loud but 
deep ; comes National Assembly, and takes seat un- 
der its canopy ; comes royalty, and takes seat on a 
throne beside it ; and Lafayette, on a white charger, 
is here, and all the civic functionaries ; and the con- 
federates form dances, till their strictly military 
evolutions and manoeuvres can begin. Task not the 
pen of mortal to describe them ; truant imagination 
droops — declares that it is not worth while. There 



274 LIFE OF GENERAL 

is wheeling and sweeping to slow, to quick, to double 
quick time. Sieur Metier, or Generalissimo Lafayette 
— for they are one and the same, and he, as General 
of France, in the King's stead, for twenty-four hours 
— must step forth with that sublime, chivalrous gait 
of his, solemnly ascend the steps of Fatherland's altar, 
in sight of heaven and of scarcely breathing earth, 
and pronounce the oath, " To King, to Law, to Na- 
tion," in his own name and that of armed France ; 
whereat there is waving of banners, and sufficient 
acclaim. The National Assembly must swear, stand- 
ing in its place ; the King himself, audibly. The 
King swears ; and now be the welkin split with 
vivats ; let citizens, enfranchised, embrace ; armed 
confederates clang their arms ; and, above all, let that 
floating battery speak. It has spoken — to the four 
corners of France ! From eminence to eminence, 
bursts the thunder, faint heard, loud repeated. From 
Arras to Avignon — from Metz to Bayonne — over 
Orleans and Blois — it rolls in cannon recitative ; Puy 
bellows of it amid his granite mountains ; Pau, where 
is the shell cradle of great Henri. At far Marseilles, 
one can think the ruddy evening witnesses it ; over 
the deep blue Mediterranean waters, the castle of If, 
ruddy tinted, darts forth from every cannon's mouth 
its tongue of fire ; and all the people shout, * Yes, 
France is free ! ' Glorious France, that has burst 
out so, into universal sound and smoke, and attained 
the Phrygian cap of liberty." 

In this brilliant festival Lafayette was the grand 
actor. Neither King nor Queen, not even the As- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 275 

scmbly, nor the confederates, could awaken such 
acclamations as greeted him when he ascended the 
altar and took the prescribed oath. His popularity, 
however, did not intoxicate him, or make him love 
freedom the less. When the wish was indicated to 
him that he should be invested with the permanent 
command of the military force of the realm, high as 
such an honor would be, he would not for a moment 
listen to the suggestion. He urged the deputation, 
instead of thinking of him, to regard only the welfare 
of the common country, and not to blight the promise 
of brighter years. '' Let not ambition," said he, 
" take possession of you ; love the friends of the 
people, but reserve blind submission for the law, and 
enthusiasm for liberty. Pardon this advice, gentle- 
men ; you have given me the glorious right to offer 
it, when, by loading mq with every species of favor 
which one of your brothers could receive from you, 
my heart, amidst its delightful emotions, cannot re- 
press a feeling of fear." As the confederates were 
about to leave Paris for their homes, they gave 
Lafayette the assurance of their grateful affection. 
" The deputies of the [N'ational Guards of France 
retire," said they, " with the regret of not being able 
to nominate you their chief. They respect the con- 
stitutional law, though it checks, at this moment, the 
impulse of their hearts. A circumstance which must 
cover you with immortal glory is, that you, yourself, 
promoted the law ; that you, yourself, prescribed 
bounds to our gratitude." 



276 LIFE OF GENERAL 

The multiudes, intoxicated with excitement and 
hope, left the campagne to the silence of night and 
the light of the stars, while their fevered brain re- 
peated in fantastic dreams the scenes of that jubilant 
day, which was too soon to be followed by the groans 
of a decimated and frantic people. 



CHAPTER VIIL 

Solemn Perjury — Lafayette's Position — His letter to Washington — 
Jealousy of the King and Queen — Flight and return of the Royal 
Family — The King signs the Constitution -Lafayette resigns his 
office as commander op the National Guards— Affection op thb 
Guards and the nation for him — Testimonials of esteem — He re- 
tires TO Chavagniac — Petion is elected Mayor op Paris — Prepara- 
tions for War — Lafayette is called upon— He assumes the command 
—Marches to Givet — Treason — Retires to Maubeage — Letter to thh 
Assembly — Appears in Paris — Returns to his army — Last effort to 
SAVE THE King — The Reign of Terror — Decree against Lafayette — 
Difficulties which surround him — He leaves the army. 

The vacillating character of the French, was never 
exhibited more clearly than in the events which fol- 
lowed immediately the 14th July. Before the 1st of 
August the solemn oath seemed to have been forgot- 
ten, and King and people were again involved in the 
bitterness of strife. Old jealousies were revived, — 
former disputes were renewed, the same contentions 
which had previously existed, were burning again 
with the violence of a conflagration which, after a 
momentary check, glows the more intensely. Louis, 
in the enjoyment of his transient repose, resembled 
the human victim of pagan sacrifice, wearing garlands 
and feasting, before laid upon the bloody altar. To 
Lafayette was committed the care of the palace, and 
under his constant surveillance the King aflected to 
feel himself a prisoner. The Queen, who had always 
distrusted the Marquis, influenced her lord to make 



278 LIFE OF GENERAL 

peevish complaints concerning tlie manner of his at- 
tendance, to weaken, if possible, his popular favor. 
Lafayette, though he discerned this, yielded to the mon 
arch's slightest wish, determining, whatever might 
be the course of others, that he would be faithful to 
his oath, " to defend the King and the constitution." 
The latter, he felt, could not stand without Louis, 
who, he knew, must fall without that instrument ; he, 
therefore, defended both, as the only means of secu- 
ring the interests of the state. Lafayette has been 
falsely accused of wavering here. There was a time 
when he seriously considered the question, whether a 
republic or a monarchy would the better promote the 
welfare of the people ; after he had calmly decided in 
favor of royalty, he was consistent. He saw that his 
countrymen were not prepared for a Republic; — he 
believed that a constitutionally limited monarchy might 
be successfully administered, and acted accordingly. 
He did not waver. Though in the midst of trials, — 
constantly harassed by difficulties which would have 
overcome a weaker mind, meeting with darkest en- 
mity, he stood like a rock amid the ocean, unmoved 
by the shock of the waves. 

On the 26th of August, 1790, he thus writes to his 
cherished friend, Gen. Washington : — '' We are dis- 
turbed with revolts among the regiments; and, as I 
am constantly attacked on both sides by the aristocra- 
tic and the factious parties, 1 do not know to which 
of the two we owe these insurrections. Our safe- 
guard against them is the National Guards. There 
are more than a million of armed citizens ; among 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 279 

them, patriotic legions ; and my influence with them 
is as great as if I had accepted the chief command. 
I have lately lost some of my favor with the mob, 
and displeased the frantic lovers of licentiousness, as 
I am bent on establishing a legal subordination. But 
the nation at large is very thankful to me for it. It is 
not out of the heads of aristocrats to make a counter 
revolution. Nay, they do what they can with all the 
crowned heads of Europe, who hate us. But I think 
their plans will be either abandoned or unsuccessful. 
I am rather more concerned at a division that rages 
in the popular party. The club of the Jacobins, and 
that of '89,* as it is called, have divided the friends 
of liberty, who accuse each other, the Jacobins being 
taxed with a disorderly extravagance, and '89 with a 
tincture of ministerialism and ambition. I am endea- 
voring to bring about a reconcihation." 

The King and Queen, unable to see that Lafayette 
was their friend, were careful to annoy him, while the 
loyalists, who hated him, malignantly joined in the 
assault upon his character. Disturbances were fomen- 
ted by the court, with the design of throwing Paris 
into confusion, with the hope that, in the attempt to 
quell them, he might be overcome or assassinated. 
Failing in this, efforts were made upon a grander 
scale. It was determined that the royal family should 
elude the vigilance of their keeper, and flee from 



* This club was afterwards called the Feuillans. It was institutod 
l»y Lafayette, and others, in the year 1789, for the purpose of couji- 
teracting the influence of the Jacobins. 



280 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Paris. This the King had long desired, for the fear- 
ful shadow of his doom, if he continued in the capital, 
was settling darkly upon his mind. A presentiment 
that he was destined to share the fate of Charles I. of 
England, strengthened hourly, and he had not the 
heart to meet it. A flight would ensure his own 
safety, and place him in a more advantageous position 
to treat with his refractory subjects. As the people 
placed great reliance upon his safe-keeping among 
them, his flight would attach odium to the Marquis, a 
result very desirable to his foes. Louis had fully re- 
solved to break away from the oaths with which he 
bound himself, and to flee from the capital as soon as 
opportunity should be presented. On the 21st June, 
1791, a plan, which had long been maturing, went into 
execution. In various disguises, one by one, the royal 
family left the palace by a private issu^ which com- 
municated with the Carousel, crossed the Pont Royal, 
and, on the Quai des Theatins, entered the carriages 
which stood awaiting them, and were driven rapidly 
from Paris. 

This was at midnight, but not till eight o'clock the 
next morning was it known in the city, and then the 
news flew over it with the rapidity of the wind. La- 
fayette was for a moment staggered at the tidings, but 
his calmness returned when he heard his own name 
shouted with execrations by the mob, assembling in 
lawless haste. Immediately dispatching an order for 
the pursuit of the fugitives, whom he supposed had 
been carried off* by enemies of the public good, he 
repaired to the Hotel de Ville, and faced the throngs 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 281 

clamoring for vengeance upon his head, for having 
permitted the escape of the King. It was a moment 
that tried him to the center of feehng. The utter 
recklessness of a Parisian mob, none knew better than 
he ; and there was nothing to assure him that the 
same fury which had proved fatal to others, might not 
be executed upon himself. *' Down with Lafayette," 
— *'Away with the traitor," were exclamations which 
met him as he approached, but his step faltered not, 
and his eye glanced over the vast multitude, as though 
he could sway it at will. The mob were awed to 
silence by his presence, more commanding than the 
eloquence of his lips, and he stood before them with 
his arms quietly folded, in the consciousness which the 
populace might discern, and read the evidence that 
he had not betrayed the people's trust. When he 
opened his lips, it was to make neither defense nor 
apology. Turning their attention to themselves, and 
the privileges for which they had struggled, he said, 
' — " If you call this event a misfortune, what name 
would you give to a counter revolution which would 
deprive you of your liberty V This simple expression 
accomplished vastly more than a formal explanation 
could have done. The crowd turned the tide of 
action, though in a very different direction from that 
Lafayette had intended. First one, then another, and 
then the multitude, as with the voice of one man, 
sent up the deafening shout, '* Let us make Lafayette 
our King." Here was a new danger, though just 
the exclamation he would have rejoiced to hear had 
he been governed by the principles attributed to him 



282 LIFE OF GENERAL 

by his enemies. His real patriotism and disinterested- 
ness are fully seen in his answer, — *' I thought that 
you professed a better opinion of me. What have I 
done that you do not believe me fit for something bet- 
ter 1" It wsiS enough. Shouts of " Long Hve the 
General" filled the air and tranquillity was again re- 
stored. 

In the National Assembly, the flight of Louis was 
discussed, and a few charged Lafayette with conniving 
at it. The suspicion was however indignantly re- 
pelled, and many of the political enemies of Lafayette 
denounced even the insinuation. When it was under- 
stood that he was surrounded by a threatening multi-' 
tude, at the Hotel de Ville, they sent a deputation from 
their own number, inviting him to proceed to their 
chamber, offering him an escort to protect him from 
the violence of the people. ** I will order an escort 
for you," said Lafayette, '* as a mark of respect ; but, 
for myself, I shall return alone. I have never been 
in more perfect safety than at this moment, though 
the streets are filled with the people." 

The prompt means taken for the arrest of the royal 
family were successful, and the unhappy fugitives, 
overwhelmned with mortification, were brought back 
to Paris. They were received without open insult, 
but with none of the honors which usually attend the 
reception of royalty. A decree had been passed by 
the Assembly suspending Louis from his kingly func- 
tions, and placing a guard over his person, together 
with that of the Queen and the Dauphin. This left 
France virtually without a monarch, for no provision 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 283 

was made for a successor. Lafayette, therefore, as 
Commander-in-Chief of the Guards, was, in fact, chief 
ruler of France. To none could the interests of the 
realm at this critical period, have been better entrus- 
ted. With fidelity he discharged his various duties. 
He was at the same time the friend of the King, and 
the servant of the state, and successfully managed to 
harmonize both of these seemingly conflicting positions, 
to the satisfaction of each of the parties concerned. 
Louis was his captive, but was made to feel restraint 
but lightly, while the people saw that every possible 
security was taken, to keep the noble prisoner safely, 
^he confidence reposed in Lafayette at this period, he 
might have made subservient to his own self-aggran- 
dizement, had he been a traitor, when the permanent 
supreme power was within his grasp. The fact that 
scrutiny can detect no aiming at undue authority, 
proves the purity of his character. How different his 
conduct from that of Bonaparte ! 

Mighty influences were now at work in the King- 
dom. The Jacobin clubs which had spread over 
France, and numbered nearly 400,000 members, were 
taking the first steps towards the supremacy they 
afterwards gained. They were the uncompromising 
enemies of monarchy in any form, and advocated 
sternly a republic, regardless of consequences. To 
these was opposed the whole strength of the moderate 
revolutionists, who still held a majority in the As- 
sembly. The Jacobins contended that Louis, by his 
flight, had voluntarily abdicated the throne, and that 

the people should elect a ruler in his stead. For such 
19 



284 LIFE OF GENERAL 

a step, neither the representatives nor patriots abroad 
were prepared, and consequently the restoration of 
Louis was designed. He assured the Assembly that 
he had no intention of fleeing from his kingdom ; that 
he only wished to ascertain the sentiments of the 
people in reference to the constitution, and since he 
was satisfied that this was approved by his subjects, 
was himself ready to support it. The Assembly, 
therefore, removed the ban which they had laid upon 
him, declaring that Louis XVI was not culpable for 
his recent journey, and could not be brought to trial 
on account of it. 

This decree raised a perfect storm of opposition. 
It was both decried in the legislative Hall and con- 
demned on the public platform. Robespierre and 
Petion raised their voices loudly against it, and when 
it was ultimately passed, they declared their intention 
of appeahng from the sovereignty of the Assembly 
to that of the people. The Jacobins seconded their 
opposition, and excited the populace to resistance. 
It needed but a spark to inflame the combustible ma- 
terials ; and this was like a fire-brand thrown into the 
magazine. Resentment sprung up every where, and 
the day after the bill passed, a great concourse gath- 
ered in the Champ de Mars to raise their solemn 
protest. Sedition was rife, but in the midst of an- 
archy, the man of the people, the patriot of the 
nation, suddenly appeared before them. Instead of 
obeying his orders to disperse, they turned to assail 
him for interfering with their proceedings. In the 
midst of the angry tide he proclaimed the principles 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 285 

of constitutional liberty, and recounted the oath they 
had taken there, hardly a year before ; but in vain. 
Another spirit was in the ascendant, and the words 
fell powerless from his lips. Threats were muttered, 
and a musket was fired at his person. Though near 
the muzzle he escaped unharmed. The author of the 
attempt was arrested by the Guards and released by 
their commander, who was there to preserve life and 
quiet, at whatever hazard to himself. He was intent 
upon quelling the insurrection, and would not leave the 
place till he had done it. His plans were made and 
executed with firmness which at length drove the 
rioters from the field, though not till after blood had 
been shed, which was subsequently remembered 
against him. 

This outbreak and other minor circumstances con- 
vinced the Assembly of the necessity of establishing 
the governent upon a stronger basis, and they hastened 
to a final revision of the constitution. This important 
instrument had been framed with great care, and 
though many of its provisions had been subjected to 
stormy debates, it was still adapted to heal the dis- 
sensions which tossed the nation. It was, therefore, 
soon completed, and submitted to Louis for his ac- 
ceptance. " From that moment," says Thiers, " his 
freedom was restored to him ; or, if that expression 
be objected to, the strict watch kept over the palace 
ceased, and he had liberty to retire whithersoever he 
pleased, to examine the constitutional act and to 
accept it freely. What was Loms XVI to do in this 
case] To reject the constitution would have been to 



286 LIFE OF GENERAL 

abdicate in favor of a republic. The safest way, even 
according to his ow^n system, was to accept it, and to 
expect, from time to time, those restitutions of power 
which he considered as due to him. Accordingly, 
after a certain number of days, he declared that he 
accepted the constitution. An extraordinary joy 
burst forth at this intelligence, as if, in fact, some 
obstacle had been anticipated on the part of the King, 
and his assent had been an unhoped for concession. 
He repaired to the Assembly, where he was received 
as in the most brilliant times. Lafayette, who never 
forgot to repair the inevitable evils of poHtical troubles, 
proposed a general amnesty for all acts connected 
with the Revolution, which was proclaimed, amid 
shouts of joy, and the prison doors w^ere instantly 
thrown open. At length, on the 30th of September, 
Thouret, the last president, declared that the Con- 
stituent Assembly had terminated its sittings." * 

A few days afterwards, Lafayette, considering the 
purposes of his appointment fulfilled, and deeply desi- 
ring to retire into private life, resigned his office as 
Commander-in-Chief of the National Guards. His 
letter, stating his intentions, was kind and elevated. 
" To serve you until this day, gentlemen," said he, 
" was a duty imposed upon me by the sentiments 
which have animated my whole life. To resign now, 
without reserve, to my country, all the power and 



* This Assembly had been in existence tliree years, and had enacted 
1309 laws and decrees relative to legislation or to the general admin- 
istration of the state. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 287 

influence she gave me for the purpose of defending 
her during I'ecent convulsions, — this is a duty I owe 
to my well known resolutions, and it amply satisfies 
the only species of ambition I possess." 

This was received with unfeigned regret. La- 
fayette was more than their leader, he was their idol. 
They gathered around him and desired him to continue 
at their head. When this was denied, they forged a 
sword from the bolts of the Bastile, and presented it, 
expressive both of their love and his worth in the cru- 
sade upon oppression. The municipality of Paris 
voted him a medal, emblematic of his saving the citj 
so often from riot and bloodshed, causing a compHmen 
tary inscription to be placed on the bust of Lafayette, 
which had been presented to Paris twelve years be- 
fore, by Virginia. Tokens of favor, no less pleasing, 
were showered upon him by individuals. Amid the 
honors of a grateful nation, he retired to his home, and 
was surrounded once more, with the joys of his quiet 
family circle. Ambition was satisfied, and he hoped 
that retirement would no more be disturbed by the tu- 
mults of political strife. When he learned that Bailly 
had resigned his office, and that he was placed as a 
candidate for the vacant mayoraHty of Paris, it gave 
him little satisfaction ; the news that he was defeated 
through the influence of the court, gave him less 
regret. The fact that Louis should exert himself so 
strenuously to promote the overthrow of his best 
friend is a singular proof of weakness and infatuation. 
Petion, whom the money of the King alone raised to 
the mayorship, was a decided Jacobin ; and the throne 



288 LIFE OF GENERAL 

which Lafayette would have sacrificed his life to sus- 
tain, he would have overthrown in a moment. By- 
giving him office, Louis hastened his own execution. 
The election of Petion placed the Jacobins in power, 
and their iron rule was soon felt. The Revolution 
would have stopped when the King signed the consti- 
tution, but for this ; it was now destined to roll on till 
he was crushed beneath it. Bitterly did Louis XVL 
afterwards rue the act when it was all too late to 
apply a remedy; and never yet did a King meet a fate 
more certainly brought upon him by his own suicidal 
weakness. Lafayette could not long indulge in the 
seclusion which he had chosen. France could not do 
without him, and an opportunity was soon presented 
again to engage actively in her service. The Revolu- 
tion had driven many of the nobility from the kingdom, 
who, taking refuge with different foreign powers, en- 
deavored to foment war against France. European 
politics were just then in a state which admitted of 
excitement, and these refugees soon kindled a blaze. 
The despots of many of the continental sovereignties 
caught the idea of stopping the Revolution by the 
sword, and they engaged in the struggle. The start- 
ling rumor reached Paris, that a large army was pre- 
paring for invasion; the difficulties of faction, in the 
city, were forgotten in view of the new and alarming 
calamity which threatened the country. The King 
united himself with the Legislative body in devising 
the mode of resistance. In December, 1791, the plans 
for defense were matured. Three armies of fifty 
thousand men each, were to meet on the Rhine, and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 289 

Lafayette, associated with Generals Luckner and Ro- 
chambeau, was appointed to command them. In proud 
array the armies commanding the whole frontier from 
Switzerland to Dunkirk, assured the invaders, that 
France, though distracted by Revolution, was yet a 
dreaded foe. The central army was assigned to La- 
fayette, who, fixing his head quarters at Metz, posted 
his defense, so as to command the whole line from the 
Mouse to the Moselle. The feeUngs with which he 
found himself again in miUtary life are exhibited in 
the following extracts from a letter which he wrote to 
General Washington, from his rendezvous, at Metz, 
dated January 22d, 1792: 

" This is a very different date from that which had 
announced to you my return to the sweets of private 
life-, — a situation hitherto not very famihar to me, but 
which, after fifteen revolutionary years, I had become 
quite fit to enjoy. I have given you an account of the 
quiet and rural mode of living I had adopted in the 
mountains where I was born, having there a good 
house and a late manor,* now unlorded into a large 
farm, with an English overseer for my instruction. I 
felt myself very happy among my neighbors, no more 
vassals to me nor any body, and had given to my wife 
and rising family, the only quiet weeks they had 
enjoyed for a long time, when the threats and mad 
preparations of the refugees, and, still more, the coun- 



* Here is an evidence that Lafayette carried out his professions, 
even when they interfered as in the present instance, with his indi 
vidual rights. 



290 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tenance they had obtained in the dominions of our 
neighbors, induced the National Assembly and the 
King, to adopt a more rigorous system than had 
hitherto been the case. 

" I had refused every public employment, that had 
been offered by the people, and, still more, had I denied 
my consent to my being appointed to any military 
command ; but when I saw our liberties and constitu- 
tion were seriously threatened, and my services could 
be usefully employed in fighting for our old cause, I 
could no longer resist the wishes of my countrymen ; 
and as soon as the King's express reached my farm, I 
set out for Paris ; from thence to this place ; and 1 do 
not think it uninteresting to you, my dear General, to 
add, that I was every where on the road affectionately 
welcomed." i 

War was formally declared against Austria on the 
20th of April, and offensive preparations commenced. 
The Netherlands were then ufcer the dominion of 
Austria. The French Re volutin had kindled a kin- 
dred spirit among them, and Sl^was supposed the 
whole nation would joyfully welcome a French army 
which should offer means of deliverance from their 
old masters. A plan of action was matured by the 
Ministry, and, despite the cry of faction in Paris, it 
was sent to the Generals of the forces for en- 
forcement. A part of this design was, that all the 
troops should be in motion about the same time, and 
form, if possible, a general rendezvous in the center 
of the Austrian Netherlands. The chief movement 
was entrusted to Lafayette, who, on the 24th of April, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 291 

was ordered to collect his regiments and proceed to 
Givet, a distance of more than sixty leagues, by the 
1st of May. This surprising requisition could only 
have been executed by the wonderful celerity with 
which Lafayette was accustomed to move his armies. 
Though his enemies hoped that he would not be able 
to accomplish it, when the day came he was at the 
post assigned, awaiting his further commands. The 
whole expedition was. however, destined to an in- 
glorious close. While Lafayette was on his way to 
Givet, his enemies, who hated him more intensely 
than they loved the state, were plotting his ruin. A 
plan was laid upon a grand scale to draw oH by the 
blackest treachery, the extra divisions ordered to his 
aid, and so, by leaving him unsupported, force him to 
withdraw ingloriously from the field. They knew 
that he would not remain in the face of all Europe, 
M'ith his handful of fifty thousand men ; and that a 
retreat would be a bitter necessity to him. Their 
purpose was successful. At Givet, Lafayette learned 
with dismay that the two divisions which had been 
detached from Rochambeau's army had suddenly dis- 
banded and fled in confusion, before seeing the enemy. 
His first design was to entrench himself in his present 
position and wait for further supplies ; but a moment's 
consideration convinced him not only that it was 
impracticable,' but enabled him to read clearly the 
causes which had led to the defection. No man could 
have acted more wisely than he at this juncture. 
Surrounded by secret and open foes ; not knowing 
how far their machinations might have extended 



292 LIFE OF GENERAL 

among his own men ; convinced that it would be 
madness to attempt to carry on the war alone, he 
yielded to the mandate of fate, and fell back with 
his men to his former post, making arrangements to 
act with efficiency at a moment's warning. 

The news from Paris, soon convinced him that the 
conflict would not be carried on. Faction was again 
reigning in the city, and no party had sufficient power 
to control the machinery of war. With dismal fore- 
bodings, Lafayette turned his anxious eyes towards 
the capital, and read a premonition of fearful days in 
the portentous shadows which were slowly, but stea- 
dily, deepening over Paris and the entire kingdom. 
He saw Louis, too suspicious to abandon himself to any 
one of the parties, and too feeble to master them all, 
successively made the object, the tool and the victim 
of each. The Girondists, the Jacobins, and the Feuil- 
lans, were all striving for mastery ; and though the 
latter yielded tacitly to the King, it was only from 
fear, without confidence, while both of the former 
were undisguised in their opposition. They were 
equally at enmity with each other, and this spirit was 
unceasingly fanned by foreign agents ever anxious to 
spread disorder and ruin. Lafayette beheld the vial 
of Apolitical wrath fast filling, and knew it would 
shortly be poured upon the monarch's devoted head. 
Would that he had trusted me was his* fervent excla- 
mation, as courier following courier brought news 
that the plot was thickening around the person of him 
whom he had sworn, and was willing, to defend. He 
determined upon a dernier struggle to save the King. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 293 

From his camp at Maubeage, on the 16th June, 1792, 
he wrote his famous letter to the convention, in which 
he set forth plainly the condition to which the nation 
was reduced. In no measured terms he told them 
that the sword of Austria or of Europe, could not give 
so dangerous a blow to France as the jealousies and 
sharp contentions among her own citizens. He spoke 
of the Jacobins as enemies of the realm, and with far 
sighted sagacity predicted the results which would 
inevitably occur, if not speedily overthrown. "Can 
you dissemble even to yourselves," said he, " that a 
faction — and to avoid all vague demonstrations — the 
Jacobin faction, have caused all these disorders 1 It is 
that society which I boldly denounce ; organized in its 
affiliated societies like a separate empire in the metro- 
polis, and blindly governed by some ambitious leaders, 
this society forms a totally distinct corporation in the 
midst of the French nation, whose powers it usurps, 
by tyrannizing over its representatives and constituted 
authorities." He thus alluded to the King: — "Let 
the royal authority be untouched, for it is guaranteed 
by the constitution ; — let it be independent, for its in- 
dependence is one of the springs of our liberty ; — let 
the King be revered, for he is invested with the ma- 
jesty of the nation ; — let him choose a ministry which 
wears the chain of no faction; — and if traitors exist, 
let them perish under the sword of the law." 

No other man in France could have written such a 
letter, and none other known, would have dared to do 
it, if he could. An excitement, unequalled even in 
that time, succeeded its reception. The Jacobins had 



294 LIFE OF GENERAL 

heretofore recoiled from a direct contest with La- 
fayette, but there was no longer retreat for them, or 
an alternative, save resistance. They met on the 18th 
of June, and though they knew with whom they had 
to deal, they entered upon the struggle for life or 
death. With one voice they took a solemn oath to 
destroy him, and they had never yet sworn in vain. 
They proposed that he should be sent to Orleans as a 
traitor; — that a price should be set upon his head, 
and that an edict should be issued, allowing any 
body who pleased, to murder him. Not content with 
open condemnation, their sleepless espionage was em- 
ployed to influence the public mind. Their savage 
anatliemas were not without effect. The Parisian 
mob, a faithless rabble, forgot his devotion to their 
safety, and turned their wrath upon him. With great 
adroitness the Jacobin leaders showed the people the 
expressions in his letter unfavorable to Louis, and 
made them believe that Louis and Lafayette were 
leagued against them. On the 20th of June, they 
rose in insurrection. Twenty thousand men of the 
lowest rank, armed with pikes and lances, paraded the 
streets of Paris, ready for slaughter. The Jacobins 
were among them to exasperate them to demoniac 
madness. Suddenly a shout arose, swelling to a deaf- 
ening cry, and rolling in fearful reverberations over 
the city—" To the Tuilleries !" " To the Tuilleries !'* 
"Down with the King f The resistless wave rolled 
onward, sweeping every barrier opposing its progress. 
The guards of the palace fell back or were trampled, 
after an unavailing defense, beneath their feet. The 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 295 

calls of vengeance ; — the yells of execration ; — the 
curses loud and vehement, came to Louis, sitting in 
his chamber, v^ith knell-like terror. Even then he felt 
as never before, that he was a man^ — and determined 
to prove himself ^' every inch a King." He caught 
the spirit of the long Hne of monarchs vi^hom he had 
succeeded, and, as the throng burst into his apartment, 
he met them with a dignity which made the leaders 
pause and recede. An outcry soon followed, but he 
was no longer to be intimidated by threats. If he 
could not save himself like a hero, he would at least 
die as became a Sovereign. His dignified demeanor 
awed the crowd, and his assurances that he was the 
friend of the people, hushed the tumult. The Assem- 
bly sent a deputation to his relief, who, crowding 
around him, rebuked the populace for the indignity 
offered to his majesty. Vergniaud and others, ha- 
rangued the crowd, and persuaded them to retire, 
leaving the King again free from the dread of imme- 
diate violence, but with a rayless future before him. 

On the 28th of June, Lafayette appeared in Paris. 
It was a bold step, but had been determined upon, 
when he learned the impression which his letter had 
made. The Assembly had charged him with a Crom- 
wellian attempt at dictation, and he was there answer- 
ing the slander by his silent attendance. He left his 
army, and came alone, a citizen to plead his own 
cause; asserting his innocence and asking punishment 
for the authors of the late outrages in the capital. He 
knew the power of the Jacobins, but did not hesitate, 
in their very citadel, to charge their crimes home, and 



296 LIFE OF GENERAL 

demand the suppression of their clubs. He closed his 
speech in words well befitting him ; — *' Such are the 
representations submitted to the Assembly by a citizen, 
whose love for liberty, at leasts will not be disputed." 

His address was received with applause, but it was 
powerless in accomplishing the great object for which 
it was made. The Jacobin leaders, though awed, 
were not so easily crushed. In public and in private, 
— in the Assembly, — the streets, and in their clubs, 
he was decried as the enemy of liberty, and the be^ 
trayer of confidence he received from the people. He 
was charged with neglect of the public good, in lea- 
ving the camp at that period ; — the journals repre- 
sented his conduct as high treason ; — he was called a 
liberticide, and a second Cromwell, with this differ- 
ence, that he acted in concert with the King against 
the rights of the masses ; — his efligy was burnt at the 
Palais Royal; — and he was accused of having pro- 
posed to march with his force to Paris. The direct 
charges he was able to meet and refute, but he could 
not remove the taint which the Jacobins were success- 
ful in indirectly casting upon him. It was not enough 
that he pointed to his past acts, and asking his enemies 
to specify his crimes, and prove them, — the Jacobins 
were fast becoming omnipotent in the state, and the 
fickle host which had lavished upon him the wealth 
of their adulation, were ready to pay homage at a 
rival shrine. Before two days had elapsed, Lafayette 
perceived the posture of things, and that it was use- 
less to remain longer in the city. He waited upon 
Louis, and received his thanks, and on the 30th of 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 297 

June, returned to his command. His mission had been 
a complete failure, and worse. He had not only been 
forced, but the enemies of himself and the kingdom 
had positively triumphed. For the first time in his 
life he was defeated, after having staked every thing 
on the issue. Though overcome in the contest, he 
was sustained by the consciousness that he had done 
all that man could do to relume the beacons of free- 
dom which were fast expiring in the land. 

But a new trial awaited him when he reached the 
army. His foes had been scattering the seeds of dis- 
cord there, and he was already deserted by comrades 
in whom he had reposed uninterrupted confidence. 
He found that in his own camp he was no longer safe. 
Midnight hung upon his horison, and his career ap- 
peared to be near its goal. He remained at the head 
of the army, because he felt that he could not, at this 
juncture, abandon it, and watched with intensest in- 
terest the rapid developments of faeling in Paris. 

The Reign of Terror, like a blind Polyphemus, 
was striding forward to erect the guileotine and de- 
cimate a kingdom ; the heart of the patriot sunk 
within him, as he caught the monstrous outline, and 
read the dark mission of the lawless destroyer. On it 
came ; it could not be stayed, but Lafayette resolved 
upon another struggle for his country's salvation. He 
believed that, the only probable attempt would be 
that of extricating the King from the crafty plots 
which pointed to his overthrow. A plan was matured 
by Lafayette for removing Louis from the capital and 
placing him in a position where he could command, 



298 LIFE OF GENERAL 

rather than sue for, obedience. The 14th of July, the 
anniversary of the Federation, was approaching, and 
the plan was, that he should summon Generals Luck- 
ner and Lafayette to the city to participate in it, and 
when passed, to proceed to the Assembly in open 
day, and announce his intention of spending a short 
time at Compeigne. Lafayette was to provide a 
suitable escort for him, and when at Compeigne there 
were to be associated with this a detachment of 
militia and two regiments from the Marquis' chasseurs. 
These would afford him a sufficient body guard, and 
he could then, without fear, issue his proclamation, 
declaring his adherence to the constitution, and that 
all who opposed were traitors to the realm. The 
plan in its details was well arranged, and doubtless 
would have succeeded could the King have been 
prevailed upon to accept it. His true friends strongly 
urged him to put confidence in Lafayette, but the 
counter-revolutionists succeeded, and the proposal was 
rejected. Louis was a shipwrecked mariner, and 
now madty pushed away the last plank which could 
save him ; yet he saw not that he was amid the 
waves, until beyond rescue. 

Lafayette, finding his plans a failure, waited calmly 
the fatal result. Reports of conspiracy and intrigues, 
of misrule and the collision of parties, constantly 
reached his ears. Violent charges were made against 
him in the Assembly, but, prepared for the worst, 
they inflicted no pang. His name was associated 
with treason, and made the by-word of faction. Soon 
as his plan for the deliverance of Louis was known 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 29tJ 

in Paris, the Jacobins boldly demanded his impeach- 
ment. A tempest, unknown before in that body, 
arose when this proposition was offered. The warm 
friends of Lafayette manfully spurned it, while his 
enemies supported it with slander and foulest abuse. 
The unstable crowd joined in the cry. But so flagrant 
injustice could not triumph yet. The last righteous 
act of that Assembly was done, when, on the 8th of 
August, they put aside the motions, and declared that 
Lafayette was still worthy of the confidence of the 
pfiople of France. 

Hardly had the courier borne to the Marquis this 
intelligence, before another arrived, bringing the ter- 
rible news of complete revolution in Paris. The 10th 
of August had arrived, — the birthday of the Reign 
of Terror. Faction had triumphed. The Jacobins, 
successful in rousing the people, an insurrection, wild 
and uncontrolable, rocked the metropolis. The royal 
palace was stormed; Louis forced to flee to the As- 
sembly for protection ; the masses, thirsting for blood, 
had begun the work of slaughter, afterwards carried 
on to its terrible consummation. The constitution was 
trampled under foot, and openly decried ; monarchy 
was swept away like a floating bubble, and the King, 
himself hurled from his throne, was shut up in prison 
to await a mock trial and ignominious death. 

Lafayette had, in anticipation of this, moved his 

army to Sedam, only two days march from Paris, and 

now formed the bold design of striking a blow for 

the restoration of order and the recovery of liberty. 

He distributed among his battalions a decisive le^tter, 
20 



300 ,"life of general 

declaring the destruction of the constitution by a 
banditti, and the deposition of the King, — "Citizens," 
said he, " you are no longer represented ; the Na- 
tional Assembly are in a state of slavery ; your 
armies are without leaders ; Petion reigns ; the sav- 
age Danton and his satellites are masters. Thus, 
soldiers, it is your province to examine whether you 
will restore the hereditary representative to the 
throne, or submit to the digrace of having a Petion 
for your King." 

For a brief time he hoped that this communication 
would be productive of good. The soldiery announ- 
ced by their shouts of rage, that the tide of indigna- 
tion was deep. The General had already disregarded 
the orders sent to him by the Assembly, and had put 
under arrest, the three commissioners deputed from 
that body, to enforce them. The first expression of 
his men was approbation, assuring him of cordial sup- 
port. Their zeal soon subsided into apathy, and this 
gradually changed to secret, then open, defection. No 
other army could Lafayette depend upon, and even 
his chosen division contained enemies who were ac- 
tively employed. Soon as the tidings of these dis- 
asters were received by the representatives, they at 
once passed a decree depriving him of his command 
and appointing Dumourier, an officer of their own 
interest, in his stead. Trial came upon trial — but, for 
a time, he concealed the critical posture of aifairs. 
His path seemed crossed on every hand. " To have 
marched directly to Paris, would have exposed the 
King and his family to certain destruction ; and in 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 301 

• 

erecting the standard of revolt in the provinces, he 
would have been opposed by the other armies, and a 
civil v^^ar must inevitably have follov^red. In addition 
to these considerations, France was, at this moment, 
pressed on all sides by the enemy, and the idea of a 
capitulation with the presumptuous invaders of his 
country, struck him with horror. He was resolved, 
therefore, whatever might occur, neither to leave the 
frontiers destitute of defense, nor to lose his reputation 
by means of a disgraceful compact. But the oath 
that he had taken to support the constitutional King 
marked out a line of conduct from which he could not 
honorably swerve. He formd a plan to rally around 
him the neighboring departments, and to form, with 
some of the members of the constituted authorities, a 
kind of congress, to which he expected that many 
opposition members of the legislative body would 
unite themselves. Supported by the civil power, and 
seconded by the armies of the Moselle and the Rhine, 
he might have organized a powerful opposition, and 
reestablished the constitution. But every circumstance 
necessary to the success of his project, failed toge- 
ther : — the enemy, on the threshhold of the empire, 
concentrated all his power; — the versatile conduct of 
the King and court, destroyed all confidence, and ren- 
dered all his measures ineffectual ; — and the habits of 
the soldiery, had taught them to know no other power 
but the decrees of the Assembly ; every thing con- 
cerned in crushing an enterprise which the rapidity of 
events had not afforded him time to mature, whose 



302 LIFE OF GENERAL 

success, if only partial, might have opened the gates 
of the frontiers to the enemy, and which it was impos- 
sible after the events of the 10th of August, completely 
to effect." 

But the chief difficulty preventing the successful 
execution of the plan, lay in the state of his own 
forces. They began to comprehend his situation, 
and conflicting feelings were rife among them. But 
what tended most especially to weaken his hold 
over them, was the following order passed by the 
Assembly: 

" National Assembly, August 17, 1792. 

** Decree of accusation against J\L de Lafayette, 

"L— It appears to this Assembly, that there is just 
ground for accusation against M. de Lafayette, here- 
tofore commander of the army of the north. . 

" II. — The executive power shall, in the most expe- 
ditious manner possible, carry the present decree into 
execution ; and all constituted authorities, all citizens, 
and all soldiers, are hereby enjoined, by every means 
in their, to secure his person. 

" III. — -The Assembly forbids the army of the north, 
any longer to acknowledge him as a General, or to 
obey his orders ; and strictly enjoins that no person 
whatsoever, shall furnish any thing to the troops, or 
pay any money for their use, but by the orders of M. 
Dumourier." 

This decree was circulated through the army, and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 303 

the power of Lafayette over it was gone. The sol- 
diers had become generally infected with the principles 
of the time, and the emissaries of the Jacobins, sent 
thither, had no difficulty in convincing them, that dis- 
obedience to his command was duty, and to recognize 
him officially longer, was to violate the laws. In this 
condition a single course remained to him. To attempt 
again to plead his cause before the bar of the Assem- 
bly, would, he knew, be worse than useless. To 
attempt to force the members to just terms, and to 
reestablish the constitutional monarchy, by the might 
of arms, was beyond his power. To remain in camp 
was idle, and would subject him to needless danger. 
There was no alternative but flight, and this, with the 
greatest reluctance, he determined to embrace. Be- 
fore, however, departing, he arranged every thing 
throughout the army, to prevent sudden surprise from 
the enemy, anxious even in that moment, for the wel- 
fare of a country which had basely discarded him. 
The preparations for his departure were made se- 
cretly, as is stated, to avoid increasing the number of 
his companions in exile. He would not draw away 
a soldier or officer from service, though it were to 
relieve with his presence the bitterness of voluntary 
banishment. Taking with him two or three trusty 
friends, he quietly left the camp on the morning of 
the 20th of August, before the dawn of day, and 
turned towards the Netherlands, to receive, in a hos- 
tile- and foreign land, the safety which he could not 
find at home. 



304 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Unlike Washington, he had to deal with unprin- 
cipled men who, repudiating the religion of the Bible, 
raved like maniacs around the altar of Reason. La- 
fayette fled from their orgies and their wrath, with 
the natural repulsion, mingled with grief, that sent 
the Hebrew from the brutal inhabitants and volcanic 
fires of the cities of the plain. 



CHAPTER IX. 



Companions op Lafayette in his exile — He is stopped at Rochefort 
Passports refused — Shameful treatment — Imprisonment — Delivered 
OVER BY Prussia to Austria— Confinement at Olmutz— Refinement op 
CRUELTY — Sympathy felt for him — Efforts for his release — Conduct 
OP Gouverneur Morris — Madame db Lafayette — Bollman and Huger's 
Attempt— Escape — Is taken and again thrown into prison — Increased 
cruelties — Conduct op Madame de Lafayette — With her two 
daughters she visits him in prison — Her heroism — Bonaparte — Fi- 
nal Release — Reception in Hamburg. 



The companions of the Marquis were the two bro- 
thers, Louis and Victor Latour Maubourg, Bureau de 
Puzy, Alexandre Lameth, Auguste Masson, Rene 
Pillet, and Cardignan. They entered the Netherlands, 
from France, hoping to be able to proceed to America 
or to take up their residence in some European pro- 
vince, not then at war with France. They knew the 
hazard of falling in with the Austrian army, but, at 
the worst, they could be treated only as prisoners of 
war, and concluded this preferable to the peril in 
camp. On arriving at Rochefort after a rapid journey, 
they found themselves in the neighborhood of an 
advanced guard of Austrians. They could not pro- 
ceed without passports, and could not retreat without 
danger of falling into the hands of the French. At 
the outskirts of Rochefort, de Puzy was sent forward 
to solicit passports, without disclosing the names or 
rank of those for whom they were designed. Count 



306 LIFE OF GENERAL 

d' Harnoncourt, who then held command at this post, 
was a shrewd man, closely questioned de Puzy re- 
specting his companions and their object in flying from 
France. Finding that they would be unwilling to 
join the refugees in the Austrian ranks, but they 
were patriots, d' Harnoncourt, detaining de Puzy, sent 
orders for the rest to advance. Refusal to comply 
"with this command was out of the question, and soon 
Lafayette was among the foes of the Republic, and 
under tlie piercing gaze of the commandant. Con- 
trary to his hopes he was instantly recognized, and 
d' Harnoncourt, of course, would not allow them now 
to pass till he had communicated with his superior 
officer. With some empty expressions of respect, 
he told them it was impossible for them to depart until 
the next day, and that before, it was necessary to 
obtain the requisite permission from General Moitelle, 
then stationed at Namur. A messenger was dis- 
patched to that place, with the important intelligence 
that Lafayette was a prisoner, and de Puzy accom- 
panied him to solicit, in person, the continuance of their 
journey. Arriving at Namur he was ushered into 
the presence of the Austrian General, whose dull eye 
kindled with a strange fire when he learned the 
purport of his err-^M. He co.'ild hardly believe his 
senses when he heard that d' Harnoncourt held in 
safe keeping, at Rochefort, the bravest general against 
whom the allied armies opposed to France were 
called to contend. •* What ! " said he, '* Lafayette ? 
Lafayette ? Run instantly and inform the Duke of 
Bourbon of it," said he to one of his officers. *' La- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTK 307 

fayette 1 Set out this moment and carry this news to 
his royal highness at Brussels," he added to another, 
and on he went, issuing his orders and muttering the 
word LafayettCj until, before the astonished de Puzy 
could interpose a word, the news had been dispatched 
to half the princes and generals in Europe, that La- 
fayette was a captive with the allies. Passports were, 
of course, refused, and on the 21st of August the pri- 
soners were conducted to Namur, to gratify the 
commandant's curiosity, and to learn how the laws 
of nations and of war may yield to a selfish policy, 
fogetful of every principle of right in the furtherance 
of base and narrow ends. Lafayette found he was a 
close prisoner, and, besides, indignities were offered 
which made him blush for his human fellowship with 
those who insulted him. It was hinted to him that he 
might purchase a mitigation of his hardships, by re- 
veaHng the condition and military resources of France, 
and giving to the allied armies such other information 
as would aid them in their proposed invasion. This 
was too much for the high spirit of the Marquis. He 
thought of Arnold, and thus linking that name with 
his, made his heart leap with a glow of indignation. 
Prince Charles, who visited him to open the subject, 
shrunk with shame before the man who spurned 
treachery as infinitely more dreadful than death itself. 
The Austrians did not know their prisoner. They 
had heard of his patriotism, but it was unmeaning to 
the dull ears upon which despotism had poured its 
notes of arrogance and the sound of fetters. They 
supposed that he must be governed by motives like 



308 LIFE OF GENERAL 

their own, and marvelled at the reverse. From 
Namur the captives w^ere conducted to Nivelles v^^here 
further contempt was borne. A commissioner waited 
upon them from the Duke of Saxe Teschen, leader 
of the Austrian forces at Brussels, to demand, in due 
form, for the King of France, it was said, the treasure 
which Lafayette was supposed to have taken with him 
in his flight. Such a demand was at first received as 
an undignified joke, but when the signs of authority 
were displayed, and the commissioner gave assurance 
of his earnestness, Lafayette met him with mingled 
indignation and scorn. " I am to infer then," said he, 
with cutting emphasis, " that if the Duke of Saxe 
Teschen had been in my place he would have stolen 
the military chest of the army. Tell him that the 
Generals of the King of France were taught in a 
different school of morals." 

From Nivelles, Lafayette was conducted to Lux- 
embourg, where an attempt was made to assassinate 
him by some of the French refugees. Escaping from 
this, he was reserved for a severe and almost hope- 
less captivity. His captors, disregarding entirely the 
claims of justice and humanity and the laws of na- 
tions, treated him like a feared and hated serf. A 
correspondence was had between the courts of Vienna 
and Berlin, by which it was finally decided that he 
should be given over to the Prussians, for more cruel 
confinement. The hand tingles with shame when 
called to record the fact ; but truths more humiha- 
ting and abhorrent, lie in the subsequent transactions. 
Despotism gloated over the wrongs inflicted on free- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 309 

dom's champion, though it quailed at heart before the 
spirit which he breathed. As the carrion kite may 
assail the eagle through the bars of his cage, and fly 
screaming with alarm when they meet in the free air. 

At Luxembourg, the captives were placed in a com- 
mon cart, closely guarded, and hurried to Wessel, on 
the Rhine, within the Prussian domain. The news of 
their approach collected the populace along their way, 
to salute with coarse and unfeeling taunts the very 
man who was a martyr to their rights. The guard 
made no effort to prevent it. Lafayette entered the 
prison at Wessel, without having allowed his foes occa- 
sion for exultation. A thrill ran along his frame 
while the heavy manacles were locked upon his hands 
and feet, but when he heard the dungeon doors turn 
upon their hinges, and the bolts drop into their sockets, 
his accustomed tranquillity returned. 

Nature, however, yielded. The cold damp air of 
his cell, added to the hardships through which he had 
passed, brought on sickness which, for a time, precluded 
hope of recovery. Day by day his strength wasted, 
but no mitigation of his confinement was allowed him. 
Once the King of Prussia offered him aid if he would 
assist in the plans forming against France ; but he 
met the message with the scorn it merited, and bade 
the officer who brought it, return to his master and 
tell him that he was yet Lafayette. 

The King seemed determined to exhaust his inge- 
nuity in increasing the burden of incarceration. En- 
raged by the contempt of his noble prisoner, he added 
blacker infamy to his character by transferring him to 



310 LIFE OF GENERAL 

a gloomier abode. The dungeons of Wessel were not 
dark enough to suit the monarch's malignity; he deter- 
mined to make them so. Without warning, Lafayette 
and his friends were thrown into the cart which 
brought them to Wessel and hurried away. No inti- 
mation of the object of this removal was given, till 
the sombre towers of Magdebourg rose in the dis- 
tance, and they were told that its chill caverns were 
to be their home. No intelligence was received 
respecting their families, but reports of the reign of 
terror were repeated, to torture them with solicitude 
for France and all they cherished upon her soil. As 
they entered the loathsome vault, they were told to 
43id adieu for ever to the world. 

Here they lived for a year, if their wretched exist- 
ence could be called life. No ray of comfort was 
permitted to play upon the cold pavement, nor hope 
of deliverance to illumine the future. Desolate and 
despairing, they lay; the only news from the outward 
world was such as would augment their misery. 
Frederic William occasionally sent to learn if their 
sufferings were sufficiently intense, and then found 
pastime in new acts of fiendish despotism. Despairing 
of making him yield, and fearing that the peace which 
he was concluding with France would require the 
surrender of Lafayette, he caused him, with Mau- 
bourg and de Puzy, to be transferred to the Austrians. 
Austria was ready to perfect what her neighbor had 
begun. The darkness which rested upon her; — the 
despotism which reigned in every part of her domi- 
nions ; — the brutalizing system of serfdom; — the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 311 

narrow nwndedness and bigotry which prevailed in 
her coundls, and guided her whole policy, fitted her 
for the work of torturing Lafayette, as the same admi- 
rable traits have qualified her, in our own times, to 
crush Hungary and break the heart of Kossuth ; and 
which had their impersonation in Haynau. Austria 
has always been consistent with herself She has 
never grown. She has always beat time, while the 
advancing nations, by her side, have been pressing on- 
ward to light and liberty. This very day she lies 
hke a blot upon the face of Europe. Around her, still 
hang the shadows of the dark ages. Her despotism 
has preserved for her people a hierarchy, which, in 
turn, makes the chains of tyranny firmer, though more 
galling, and lays upon the nation an incrustation of 
hoary abuses. 

Olmutz was selected by Austria for the prisoners, 
and they were carried thither. " Though placed 
within the same castle, and occupying cells in the 
same corridor, the friends were as completely guarded 
against all intercourse with each other, and all know- 
ledge of each other's condition, as if an ocean or a 
continent separated them. As they entered their cells, 
it was declared to each of them, that the would never 
come out of them alive, — that they would never see 
any thing but what was enclosed within the four walls 
of their respective cells, — that they would hold no 
communication with the outer world, nor receive any 
kind of information of persons or things there, — that 
their jailers were even prohibited from pronouncing 
their names,, — that in the prison reports and govern- 



312 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ment dispatcnes, they would be referred to only by 
the number of their cells. — that they would never be 
suffered to learn any thing of the situation of their 
families, or even to know of each other's existence ; — 
and, that, as such a situation of hopeless confinement 
would naturally incite to suicide, knives and forks, and 
all other instruments by which they might do violence 
to themselves, would be thenceforth withheld from 
them." 

This was Austria's improvement upon the cruelties 
at Magdebourg. The walls of his dungeon were 
twelve feet thick, and the only mode of either en- 
trance or egress, was through two doors, one of iron, 
the other of wood, nearly two feet thick ; both of 
which were covered with bolts and bars. Into the 
cell the air was admitted only through an opening in 
the walls two feet square, secured at each end by 
transverse massive iron bars. Without, and directly 
under this loop hole, was a broad ditch, covered with 
water only when it rained, at other times constantly 
sending forth a poisonous effluvium from its stagnant 
pools. The dimensions of his room were eight or ten 
paces deep, by six or eight wide, and its whole furni- 
ture consisted of an old worm-eaten table, a broken 
chair, and a bed of rotten straw filled with vermin. A 
miserable allowance was brought to him twice a day, 
with which to eke out his loathesome existence ; books 
were almost wholly excluded, and without a voice to 
greet his ear save the gruff tones of the jailer, life, 
bitter life, wore away. 

He whose name was written so deeply upon the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 313 

hearts of two nations, was not forgotten. The news of 
his imprisonment spread wherever he was known — and 
where was he not known 1 — awakening feelings corres- 
ponding with the differing estimate of his career. In 
the United States grief attended the tidings. They had 
watched with profound interest his course during the 
French struggle, and had felt an aftectionate pride in 
seeing, that the dawn of liberty, which had risen to 
noontide upon their broad land, was brightening around 
him in his native Gaul. Sympathy was elicited in his 
behalf, and efforts put forth to obtain his release. It 
did not become a free people to remain inactive while 
the form which " rode on the battle's edge" for them, 
was pining under the weight of fetters. While La- 
fayette was at Magdebourg, the American minister in 
France, learning that he was in need of money, took 
the responsibility of directing the banker of the United 
Slates, at Hamburgh, to advance him ten thousand 
florins ; an act which Congress afterwards ratified, 
under the head of military compensation. The con- 
dition of the Marquis was subduing to the spirit of 
Washington. His private feelings urged him to take 
every step to liberate his friend, while his public duty, 
as the President of a neutral nation, forbade him to 
interfere. With pain he was compelled to refuse, 
for friendship, to compromise his public duty. But 
while, as President, he maintained the neutrality of 
the nation, as a man his influence went strongly for 
the Marquis' release. "I need hardly mention" he 
wrote to Mr. Pinckney, then in Europe, *' how much 
my sensibility has been hurt by the treatment this 



314 LIFE OF GENERAL 

gentleman has met with, or how anxious I am to see 
him liberated therefrom ; but what course to pursue, 
as most likely and proper to aid the measure, is not 
quite so easy to decide on. As President of the Uni- 
ted States, there must not be a commitment of the 
government by any interference of mine ; and it is no 
easy matter, in a transaction of this nature, for a pub- 
lic character to assume the garb of a private citizen, 
in a case that does not relate to himself. Yet such is 
my- wish to contribute my mite to accomplish that 
desirable cfBp€t, that I have no objection to its being 
made known to the Imperial ambassador, in London, 
who, if he thinks proper, may communicate it to his 
court, that this event is an ardent wish of the people 
of the United States, to which I sincerely add mine. 
The time, the manner, and even the measure itself, I 
leave to your discretion ; as circumstances, and every 
matter which concerns this gentleman, are better 
known on that than they are on this side of the 
Atlantic." 

To the Emperor of Germany, General Washington 
also wrote as follows : 

" It will readily occur to your majesty, that occa- 
sions may sometimes exist, on which official considera- 
tions would constrain the chief of a nation to be silent 
and passive, in relation even to objects which affect 
his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. 
Finding myself precisely in this situation at present, 
I take the liberty of writing this private letter to your 
majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also 
be my apology for it. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 315 

"In common with the people of this country, I 
retain a strong and cordial sense of the services ren- 
dered to them by the Marquis de Lafayette ; and my 
friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It 
is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with 
him and his family in their misfortunes, and endeavor 
to mitigate the calamities which they experience ; 
among which, his present confinement is not the least 
distressing. 

'* I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Per- 
mit me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, 
whether his long imprisonment, and the confiscation 
of his estates, and the indigence and dispersion of his 
family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these 
circumstances, do not form an assemblage of suffer- 
ings which recommend him to the mediation of huma- 
nity? Allow me, sir, on this occasion to be its organ; 
and to entreat, that he may be permitted to come to 
this country, on such conditions and under such restric- 
tions, as your majesty may think it expedient to pre- 
scribe. 

" As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under 
similar circumstances, I would not grant, your majesty 
will do me the justice to believe, that this request 
appears to me to correspond to those great principles 
of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of 
sound policy and durable glory. 

" May the Almighty and Merciful Sovereign of the 
universe keep your majesty under his protection and 
guidance." 

But not only in America, in Europe also, there were 

21 



316 LIFE OF GENERAL 

similar demonstrations. In the British House of Par- 
liament, Wilberforce, and Fox, and Sheridan, were 
active in his behalf, though bigotry unsubdued, would 
then tarnish his fame. A number of the leading pa- 
pers in London and Hamburgh, commenced a series 
of articles, exposing in the most cutting language, the 
infamous conduct of Prussia and Austria, to the scorn 
of all Europe. Their perfidy in detaining a prisoner, 
contrary to the rights of nations and of humanity, 
was condemned with an indignant eloquence and a 
scathing sarcasm, which goaded the tyrants, till they 
spoke in their own defense. They declared that La- 
fayette's freedom was incompatible with the safety of 
the present governments of Europe; and this was the 
plausible apology for inquisitorial cruelties. Though 
France indirectly caused his present calamities, she 
still possessed noble souls. Madame de Stael, with her 
characteristic energy, wrote upon the subject to Gou- 
verneur Morris, who, after he was superseded as 
minister to France, by Mr. Munroe, traveled through 
Germany and Austria, and in various ways endea- 
vored to procure the liberation of Lafayette. In her 
letter she says : — " What I have to task of you is so 
much in accordance with your own feelings, that my 
letter will only repeat to you their dictates in poorer 
expressions. You are traveling through Germany, 
and, whether on a public mission or not, you have 
influence, for they are not so stupid as not to consult 
a man like you. Open the prison doors of M. de La- 
fayette. Pay the debt of your country. What 
greater service can any one render to his native I^nd, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 317 

than to discharge her obligations of gratitude 1 Is 
there any severer calamity, than that which has be- 
fallen Lafayette ? Does any more glaring injustice 
attract the attention of Europe 1 I speak to you of 
glory, yet I know a more elevated sentiment is the 
motive of your conduct." * 

It was at this period that the virtues and heroic 
devotion of Madame de Lafayette shone conspicuously 
forth. Naturally of a retiring and gentle disposition, 
possessing all the attractions of female loveliness, she 
was better fitted for the quiet charm of the family 
circle than to move in the wider sphere which her 
rank required. History pours no clearer radiance 
upon female character ; possessing so gentle, so pure, 
yet strong affections, true modesty, unaffected sym- 
plicity and ingeniousness, combined with a discretion 
which could preserve her dignity and maintain a 
becoming reserve, consistent with the freedom and 
confidence which distinguished her. When the thun- 
der-bolt fell at her feet, breaking up her family circle 
and withering her domestic hopes, her friends ex- 
pected to see her fall like a smitten flower. But like 
the blossom, bowed by dew drops of evening, she 
raised her head with a new strength derived from the 



* The conduct of Mr. Morris is worthy of all praise. He not only- 
spared no sacrifice for the Marquis, he also acted a magnanimous 
part towards his suffering family. To Madame de Lafayette, when 
she was confined by order of the French authorities, to her residence 
in Chavagnac, he loaned from his private funds, one hundred thou- 
sand livres, and afterwards, when she was brought to Paris and im- 
prisoned, it was through his intercession alone that liberty was re- 
stored. 



318 LIFE OF GENERAL 

visitation, and the tears that fell shone in the radiance 
of her resignation and love, as dew glows in the 
light of the morning. While the sympathy of friends 
was unbounded she was called upon to act, and she 
nobly fulfilled her mission. Her husband was a 
prisoner, and to the Prussian monarch ; and she 
addressed a petition whose every line portrayed, 
distinctly, the injustice he was committing. In that 
petition, she says " He, in whose favor I implore the 
mercy of your majesty, has never known crime. 
Faithful to his King, when he could no longer be of 
service to him he left France. At the moment when 
he was made prisoner he was crossing the low coun- 
tries to take refuge in America. He believed himself 
under protection of the law of nations, and he trusted 
to it with so much the more confidence, as the gen- 
erous sentiments of your majesty were not unknown 
to him. 1 may, perhaps, be blind to the character of a 
beloved husband, but I cannot deceive myself in being 
persuaded that your majesty will grant the prayer 
of an unhappy woman." The agony, occasioned by 
her husband's imprisonment, was hardly increased by 
the evils which the French government added to her 
misfortunes. The feeling for his safety rose above 
all personal considerations, and she seemed unaware 
of her danger as a victim of the Reign of Terror. 
He was in all her thoughts ; and she would have given 
life, gladly, to save his. The following letter she 
wrote, in 1792, to Washington. Describing the sit- 
uation of Lafayette and herself, she thus pleads for 
them both. " He was taken by the troops of the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 819 

Ernperor, although the King of Prussia retains him 
a prisoner in his dominions. And while he suffers this 
inconceivable persecution from the enemies without, 
the faction which reigns within keeps me a hostage at 
one hundred and twenty leagues from the capital. 
Judge, then, at what distance I am from him. In this 
abyss of misery, the idea of owing to the United 
States and to Washington the life and liberty of M. 
de Lafayette, kindles a ray of hope in my heart. 1 
hope every thing from the goodness of the people 
with whom he has set an example of that liberty of 
which he is now made the victim. And shall I dare 
speak what I hope? I would ask of them, through 
you, for an envoy, who shall go to reclaim him in the 
name of the republic of the United States, where- 
soever he may be found, and who shall be authorized 
to make, with the power in whose charge he may be 
placed, all necessary engagements for his relief, and 
for taking him to the United States, even if he is there 
to be guarded as a captive. If his wife and his chil- 
dren could be comprised in this mission, it is easy to 
judge how happy it would be for her and them, but, 
if this would, in the least degree, retard or embarass 
the measure, we will defer still longer the happiness 
of a reiinion. May heaven deign to bless the con- 
fidence with which it has inspired me. I hope my 
request is not a rash one. Accept the homage of the 
sentiments which have dictated this letter, as well as 
that of attachment and tender respect." 

It was exceedingly trying for Washington, to be 
unable to comply with that request. Public sentiment 
in the United States was strong in favor of Madame 



S20 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Lafayette's suggestion, and the President had to resist 
both this and the full tide of his own emotions in 
sustaining the honor of the nation. He wrote to 
Madame Lafayette, kindly and tenderly, assuriag her 
of his sympathy and stating that, while he could not 
commit his official character or involve the country 
in embarassments, he would still do his utmost as a 
private individual, to procure a deliverance, which he 
desired ardently as herself. 

After Lafayette's last transfer, all knowledge of his 
place of confinement was excluded from his friends. 
Austria meant that his existence should be strictly a 
living death. They, however, believing him to be yet 
alive, did not pause in their endeavors, but perseve- 
ringly sought to discover his dungeon. At length a 
generous and daring spirit assumed the task, both of 
finding where he was confined, and of rescuing him 
if possible. This was Dr. J. Erick Bollman, a young 
German physician, who had just received his degree 
of Doctor of Medicine from the University of Gottin- 
gen. Though personally unacquainted with Lafayette^ 
he was an enthusiastic admirer of him, and had made 
several ineffectual attempts to save him from royal 
ferocity. Not disheartened, he sold his books to pro- 
cure means for his journey and set oflf for Hamburgh, 
He was here introduced to a wealthy banker, by the 
name of Sieveking, who entered zealously into his 
plans, and advanced him money sufficient to carry 
them out.* The following account has been mainly 



*See Port Folio, vol. XXII. We have made free use of this ac- 
count, it being the best and most authentic one ever published. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 321 

taken and condensed from a narrative of his projects 
and adventures, as written by Dr. Bollman himself: 

Leaving Hamburg, he assumed the character of a 
traveler in pursuit of knowledge, and began his wary 
and difficult enterprise. Traversing Germany, he 
learned that Lafayette, after having been surrendered 
to the Austrian government, had been borne away on 
the route towards Olmutz. With this knowledge he 
selected, near the frontier, a place of temporary 
retreat, in case he should succeed in rescuing the cap- 
tive ; and having made all necessary preliminary ar- 
rangements, proceeded on to Olmutz. The utmost 
caution was indispensable to success, for the Austrian 
police, at all times more vigilant than that of any coun- 
try in Europe, was now unusually active. Its Argus 
eyes were towards every quarter of the state, and all 
direct inquiry respecting the object of his search 
would inevitably have been noticed, and led to a sus- 
picion which would have destroyed his plans before 
they had attained the maturity of promise. 

Dr. Bollman acted with admirable care and circum- 
spection. He ascertained that several state prisoners 
were confined in the citadel of Olmutz, under a mys- 
tery which rendered it highly probable to him, that 
Lafayette was among them. Acting upon this suppo- 
sition, the doctor visited the hospital and sought an 
acquaintance with the first surgeon, rightly judging 
from reports which he had gathered respecting the 
health of the captives, that this officer must be in the 
habit of attending upon them. 

The surgeon proved to be an upright man, of good 



322 LIFE OF GENERAL 

sense and feeling. The acquaintance seemed to bt 
mutually agreeable, and after several interviews, when 
the conversation turned on the effect of moral impres- 
sions on the constitution, Dr. Bollman, who had skill- 
fully guided to this issue, abruptly drew a pamphlet 
from his pocket and remarked : — " Since we are on 
the subject, you attend to the state prisoners here, 
Lafayette is among them, and his health is much im- 
paired. Show him this pamphlet. Tell him a traveler 
left it with you, who lately saw, in London, all the 
persons named in it, his particular friends ; — that they 
are well, and continue attached to him as much as 
ever. This intelligence will do him more good than 
all your drugs." — At the same moment, he laid the 
pamphlet on the table, and perceiving that the sur- 
geon hardly knew what to reply, changed the conver- 
sation, and shortly left him. 

Thus far every thing had worked finely. The man- 
ner of the surgeon convinced Bollman that Lafayette 
was at Olmutz, and he well knew that if he should 
receive the pamphlet, he would devise means to im- 
prove the opportunity. Calling at the hospital as 
before, but without himself renewing the subject, in a 
few days, the surgeon mentioned to him of his own 
accord, that he had given the pamphlet to Lafayette, 
who wished to learn some further particulars respect- 
ing the situation of one or two of the individuals 
named in it. Upon hearing this, the doctor, appearing 
to have accidentally about him some white paper, but 
which, in fact, had been prepared for the emergency, 
sat immediately down and wrote a few lines in reply 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 323 

to the inquiries made, finishing with the sentence, — " I 
am glad of the opportunity of addressing you these 
words, which, when read with your usual warmth^ will 
afford to a heart hke yours, some consolation." The 
paper had been previously written over with sympa- 
thetic ink, and the italicized words were a sufficient 
hint to the quick-minded Lafayette. Applying heat 
to the paper, he read, with a throbbing heart, its secret 
language, and learned that there was a great soul near 
him, who was ready to peril every thing to effect his 
escape. The method by which this could be done, 
could only be pointed out by the prisoner, and with 
hope again awakening his energies, he sat down to fix 
on a plan, and communicate it to his generous friend 
outside. 

To guard against suspicion. Dr. Bollman, on the day 
following this, left Olmutz and proceeded to Vienna, 
where he remained a considerable time, but confiding 
his design to no person whatever. Here he had a 
carriage constructed, in which were contrived conve- 
nient places for conveying, secretly, a variety of 
articles, such as rope-ladders, cords, and tools which 
would be necessary for cutting iron bars, and for simi- 
lar purposes. These general preparations being made, 
he visited several gentlemen on their estates in Mora- 
via, and took an opportunity of again touching at 
Olmutz, where he called on the surgeon, who returned 
him the pamphlet formerly left for Lafayette. On 
examining it, he found to his inexpressible joy, that 
the margin had been written over with sympathetic 
ink ; from which he learned that the captive, on ac- 



324 LIFE OF GENERAL 

count of his enfeebled state of health, had at length 
obtained permission to take an airing, on certain days, 
in a carriage, accompanied by a military guard ; and 
that the best and easiest mode to restore him to 
liberty, would be to attack the guard on one of these 
excursions. 

All this was satisfactory to Dr. Bollman, and having 
ascertained for his guidance, that Lafayette, in taking 
his ride, sat in an open carriage, with an officer by 
his side, a driver on the box, and two armed soldiers 
standing behind, he returned to Vienna to complete 
his plans for this new phase in the adventure. As it 
was necessary to have at least one coadjutor in the 
undertaking, he fixed upon a kindred spirit, one pre- 
disposed in all his sympathies to favor the bold mea- 
sure which he contemplated. This was Francis 
Kinlock Huger, the son of Col. Huger, of South Caro- 
lina, at whose house Ikafayette first lodged when he 
landed in America. He, was a young man of uncom- 
mon talent, decision and enthusiasm ; who entered 
into the whole plan, and devoted himself to its exe- 
cution with the most romantic earnestness. 

Having agreed upcfi^ ^:a mode, they publicly an- 
nounced their intention of returning to England 
together. Two saddle horses were purchased, and 
engaging a steady groom to attend them, they set 
out on their journey. Thus, sometimes sending the 
groom a station or two forward with the carriage ; 
at others, leaving him to bring up the horses slowly, 
while they pushed onward in the carriage, they arri- 
ved at Olmutz. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 325 

These were the only two persons on the continent, 
except Lafayette himself, who had the slightest sus- 
picion of any arrangements for his liberation, and 
neither of these persons knew him by sight. When 
they reached Olmutz, the doctor immediately visited 
the surgeon, and, knowing the day when the captive 
was to take his ride, mentioned to him the same day 
as the one on which he intended to continue his jour- 
ney. On that day, Nov. 8th, 1794, the groom was 
dispatched, at an early hour, to HofF, a post town 
about twenty-five miles distant, with orders to have 
fresh horses in readiness, at four o'clock. As neither 
of the parties knew the other, it had been concerted 
between them, that, to avoid all mistakes, when the 
rescue should be attempted, each should take off his 
hat and wipe his forehead in token of recognition. 

Their horses were now ready at the inn, and Mr. 
Huger feigned some business near the town gate, in 
order to watch the moment when the carriage should 
pass. As soon as he saw it, he hastened back to the 
inn and communicated the news to the Doctor. 
The two then mounted, followed the carriage at 
some distance, armed only with a pair of pistols, and 
those not loaded with ball. Their success was to 
depend upon the surprise, as, under the circumstances 
of the case, they considered that it would be not only 
unjustifiable, but useless and imprudent, to take any 
person's life. 

At length they quickened their pace and rode past 
the carriage, and then, slackening, allowed it again 
to go ahead, while they seized the opportunity as it 



326 LIFE OF GENERAL 

was passing, to exchange signals with the prisoner. 
At two or three miles from the gate, the carriage 
left the high road and passed into a less frequented 
tract in the midst of an open countr}\ Every mo- 
tion was now watched by the two horsemen, with 
the intensest interest. Presently the carriage stop- 
ped, and Lafayette and the officer got out and walked, 
arm and arm, to give the former more opportunity 
for exercise. The carriage with the guard drove 
slowly on, but remained in sight. This was evi- 
dently the time for the attempt, and galloping up, the 
doctor threw the reins of his horse to Huger, and 
instantly sprang to the ground by the side of the offi- 
cer and Lafayette. At the same moment the latter 
seized hold of the officer's sword, but before he could 
draw it from the scabbard, the officer had seized it 
also, and the scuffle began. Bollman sprang upon 
the officer, who had caught hold of Lafayette, and, 
in the melee which ensued, the three came together 
to the ground, the officer roaring as loudly as he 
could for help, and the guard, on hearing it, instead 
of coming to his assistance, fleeing to alarm the cita- 
del. Huger, passing the bridles of the two horses 
over one arm, with his other hand thrust his hand- 
kerchief into the officer's mouth to stop his noise, 
and Bollman kneeling upon him, managed to keep 
him to the ground, while Lafayette extricating him- 
self from his grasp, sprang to his feet once more a 
free man. 

Thus far all had gone admirably, and would now 
have resulted well, but one of the horses taking fright 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 327 

at the scene and noise, had reared, slipped his bridle 
and ran off. The doctor, still keeping down the 
officer, handed a purse to Lafayette and bade him 
mount the remaining horse and save himself now by 
flight. Huger told him in English to go to Hoff. but 
he, mistaking what was said to him for a more gene- 
ral direction to go off^ delayed a moment to see if 
he could not assist them — then went on — then rode 
back, still unwilling to leave them, and finally, urged 
anew, galloped away and was out of sight in a minute. 
As soon as this was accomplished, the two heroes 
left the officer without further violence, and recover- 
ing the horse which had escaped, they both mounted 
him, intending to follow and assist Lafayette. But 
this animal, less docile and attractable than the other, 
which had been trained to carry two persons, refused 
to perform this task, reared, bounded, and presently 
threw both. Huger immediately exclaimed, " This 
will never do! The Marquis wants you. Take the 
horse, therefore, and push on, and I will take my 
chance on foot across the country." The doctor did 
so, but his companion, who now had Httle chance 
of escape, was soon seized by the peasants, who had 
witnessed the scene, and conducted back to Olmutz. 
These accidents defeated the design, wisely planned, 
and, so far as they could foresee results, judiciously 
and prudently attempted. Dr. Bollman easily arrived 
at Hoff; but not finding Lafayette there, and being 
anxious to receive some intelligence of him, although 
he might readily have secured himself by proceeding 
to Tarnowitz, he lingered about the frontiers, till the 



328 LIFE OF GENERAL 

next night, when he, too, was arrested, by order of 
the Prussian authority, at the requisition of Austria. 

Lafayette remained unpursued. He had taken a 
wrong road, which led to JagerscIofF, a place on the 
Prussian frontier, and followed it as long as his horse 
could proceed. He was within a few miles of the 
boundary of Austrian rule, and perceiving that his 
horse could go no further, he accosted a peasant, 
whom he overtook on the road, not far from the vil- 
lage, and under some pretext, offered him money if 
he would procure him another horse and attend him 
to the frontier. The man apparently agreed, and 
went to the village for the horsQ, though his suspi- 
cion was awakened by the appearance of the stran- 
ger. He promptly returned, but he came with a 
force which arrested the astonished fugitive, and, de- 
spite his entreaties and offers of gold, he was led 
into the village, carried before a magistrate, recog- 
nized by an officer from Olmutz, and before three 
short days of liberty had gladdened his heart, he 
was loaded with chains, and carried back to his dun- 
geon with little hope now that his obscure and igno- 
minious sufferings could be terminated except by 
death.* 

He found, in the treatment to which he was sub- 
jected, that he had not yet been permitted to con- 
ceive the extent of that cruelty which despotism was 

* Bollman and Huger, after having endured the harshest treatment 
and strictest confinement, for over eight months, were at length libe- 
rated through the powerful intercession of an Austrian nobleman, a 
personal friend of the former 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 329 

able to inflict. " The irons were so closely fastened 
around his ankles, that for three months he endured 
the most excruciating torture. During the winter 
1794-5, which was extremely severe, he was re- 
duced almost to the last extremity by a violent 
fever, and, yet, was deprived of proper attendance, 
of air, of suitable food, and of decent clothes. In 
this state he was allowed nothing for his bed but a 
little damp and moldy straw, and was closely con- 
fined by a chain around his waist, which was fas- 
tened to the wall, and barely permitted him to turn 
from one side to the other. No light was admitted 
into his cell, and he was even refused the smallest 
allowance of linen. Worn down by disease and the 
rigor of the season, he became miserably emaciated. 

To increase his miseries, almost insupportable men- 
tal anxieties were added to his physical distresses. 
He was made to believe that he was only reserved 
for a public execution, and that his chivalrous deli- 
verers had already perished on the scaffold ; while, 
at the same time, he was not permitted to know 
whether his family were still alive, or had fallen un- 
der the revolutionary axe, of which, during the few 
days he was out of his dungeon, he had heard such 
appalling accounts." 

The attempted rescue, though unsuccessful in its 
immediate result, was yet productive of beneficial ef- 
fects. It gave to Europe and the world a clue to 
the place of his confinement, and, consequently, added 
definiteness and vigor to the plans which were al- 
ready maturing for his dehverance. It stirred anew 



330 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the heart of his devoted wife, who, as soon as she 
was free from the restraints imposed by the terror- 
ists, determined to present her plea, in person, before 
the Emperor of Austria, strong in the faith of affec- 
tion that her petition could not be denied, when 
urged with all the arguments of her woman's love. 
Sending her son George to America, to the care of 
Washington, and assuming for herself the name of 
Mrs. Mortier, she set out for Vienna, with American 
passports, and accompanied by her two daughters, in 
disguise. Anastasia, the elder of these, was then six- 
teen, and Virginia, the younger, thirteen years of age. 
The Emperor before whom she presented her re- 
quest was Francis I., a nephew of the unfortunate 
Marie Antoinette, who possessed, in addition to the 
prejudices growing out of his position, the hostility 
to Lafayette which had been cherished by the ill- 
fated Queen of France. It was, therefore, with no 
willing ear that he listened to the petition, although 
pressed with a force and eloquence which none could 
use but a wife pleading for the husband of her youth. 
He told her that his *' hands were tied," so that he 
could not liberate him ; but, at length, moved by her 
entreaties, he granted her request that herself and 
daughters might be permitted to share his terrible 
captivity. In order to yield as little as possible, this 
permission was itself made as near a prohibition as 
the nature of the case would admit. They were as- 
sured, that if they entered the prison they could 
never come out alive, and that if they went they 
were to leave behind them every thing which could 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. oo 

in the least degree minister to *their comfort, by alle 
viating the woe which must reign unbroken within the» 
walls of an Austrian duna^eon. 

Harsh as these provisions were, and well calculated 
as they must have been to deter ladies accustomed 
to all the refinements and luxuries of Hfe, they were 
still accepted without hesitation. The cold bosom of 
the Emperor thrilled with a new sympathy as these 
brave spirits left his presence, voluntarily to shut them- 
selves out from the world and assume the horrors 
of a hopeless captivity, for the sake of mitigating ano- 
ther's sorrows. Touched with regret, it is possible 
that even then he would have given orders for the 
release of Lafayette, had it not been as he himself 
said, that his " hands were tied." We shall make 
no attempt to picture the meeting which took place 
between Lafayette and his wife and daughters. Ima- 
gination can better furnish the scene than words de- 
scribe it. Those dungeon walls never rung to such 
melody, as when the dearest objects of earthly love 
greeted the lonely captive in his cell. Joy, pure and 
hallowed, was the first emotion, and the prison became 
a palace in that outgush of emotion which flowed 
from reciprocal sympathy and affection. What was 
either prison or palace, in such a moment, to them 1 

The complicated horrors and suflferings of their 
loathsome confinement, were too much for the deli- 
cate frame of Madame de Lafayette, already worn 
down by previous suflTering and anxiety. Yet, for 
sixteen months, she endured it all cheerfully, adhering 

firmly to her resolution to perish, if she must, by her 

22 



332 LIFE OF GENERAL 

husband's side. Her -gradual emaciation and growing 
feebleness were not, however, unnoticed by the fond 
eye of him whom she had come to bless, and, alarmed 
for her safety, he urged her to write to the Emperer, 
and petition for an egress of at least two weeks from 
the prison, that she might breathe a purer air and 
obtain that medical assistance her sinking health so 
urgently demanded. This she at length did, and then 
waited for two months longer before a reply was 
deigned to her simple and humble request. It was a 
matter of grave consultation among the lords at Vi- 
enna, how they might answer in the keenest form of 
cruelty, the petition of a suffering and pure-minded 
woman, whose only crime was that she was the wife 
of Lafayette and shared in the hatred which her 
husband felt to oppression. After due deliberation, it 
was determined with a refinement of brutality, that 
her request should be granted on condition that she 
should never appear in the capital nor return to the 
prison. Was this former provision adopted because 
they felt that they would be ashamed to meet her 
afterwards 1 

These conditions Madame de Lafayette spurned as 
indignantly as she would their authors. She told the 
officer who laid them before her, that rather than 
leave the prison on such terms, she would remain 
there even should she be called to die in the loathe- 
someness of her captivity. .An answer being required 
in writing, she seized a pen and wrote the following 
resolve, every line of which illustrates the truth of 
Madame de Staefs remark, that " the history of fe- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 333 

male virtue and female heroism presents nothing 
more rare in excellence, than the life and character 
of Madame de Lafayette." ^■' 

" I owed it to my family and my friends, to ask the 
assistance necessary for my health; — but they know 
that the conditions attached to it cannot be accepted 
by me. I never can forget that, while we were both 
on the point of perishing — I by the tyranny of 
Robespierre, my husband by the physical and moral 
sufferings of his captivity — I was not permitted to 
receive any news of him, nor he to learn that his 
children and I still existed. I will not expose myself 
to the horrors of a new separation. Whatever may 
be the state of my health, or the inconvenience of this 
residence to my daughters, we shall gratefully avail 
ourselves of his imperial majesty's goodness in per- 
mitting us to share my husband's captivity in all its 
details. Noailles Lafayette." 

No complaint afterwards fell from the lips of this 
heroic woman, and no further trial made by the suf- 
ferers to escape the privations which were drawing 
their curtain of gloom fearfully around them. Sad 
enough was their lot, but it was better than separa- 
tion and endured without a murmur. To aggravate 
their sorrow, the two daughters were guarded in 
separate dungeons, for sixteen hours of each day, and 
the eight hours which the family were allowed to 
spend together, were liabl'e to constant interruptions 
by the busy interference of the functionaries of the 
prison. The clothes of the captives were only par- 
tially allowed renewal, though worn, tattered and fil- 



334 LIFE OF GENERAL 

thy; — their food was barely enough to satisfy hun- 
ger, and of the coarsest kind; — the air which they 
breathed was noxious with effluvia ; the Hght of hea- 
ven was rarely permitted to cheer the dreary arch- 
way around them; — and thus the weary months 
passed away, increasing in horror by the infernal skill 
of the jailers inventing new methods of heartless 
persecution. 

But Providence, whose mysterious and wise pur- 
poses send adversity and prosperity, had not deter- 
mined that Lafayette and his family should perish 
so. Austria could spurn the entreaties of America, 
and England, and France; she could frown at the 
words of reproach repeated over the continent, but 
she quailed when the tidings of Napoleon's vast de- 
signs and victorious career, sent alarm through her 
imperial chambers ; she heard the voice of *' the con- 
queror of Italy " in menacing tones. Her Italian pro- 
vinces were snatched from her grasp almost before 
she knew that they were endangered, and, with her 
power humbled, she saw the victorious feet of the 
hero of Lodi steadily encroaching on her domains. 
Her generals were unable to stand before him, and, 
after defeats and disasters had followed in rapid suc- 
cession, her armies put to rout, and her fair posses- 
sions disappearing, she was at length compelled to 
sue for peace. Negotiations were opened at Leobeil, 
but the triumphant Napoleon would grant no peace 
until Austria had set at liberty every foreign prisoner 
confined for political offences. I^^as expressly stipu- 
lated by Bonaparte, that the dungeon doors of Olmutz 



MARQUIS DE LAPAYETTE. 335 

should be opened to Lafayette and his conapanions 
in captivity. The language of Bonaparte was such 
as could not be misunderstood, and she dared not re- 
fuse, though for a long time she evaded the point, 
and sought to do so wholly by other concessions. 
But Napoleon had made his demands from which no- 
thing could induce him to yield. He told .the Aus- 
trian envoys, who met him at Leoben, that the release 
of Lafayette and his companions must be granted, 
and bade them signify to the cabinet at Vienna, " that 
the speedy liberation of the prisoners at -Olmutz, was 
the most unequivocal pledge which his imperial ma- 
jesty could give to the French repubhc, of his desire 
to bring to a happy issue a negotiation that essentially 
interested the welfare of both nations, and the tran- 
quillity of Europe." As the commissioners still equi- 
vocated and delayed, Bonaparte, losing his temper 
one day, seizing a valuable tea service, which stood 
upon the sideboard, and which had been presented 
by the Empress Catharine to one of the commis- 
sioners, dashed it upon the floor before them, exclaim- 
ing, '' War is declared, but remember, that in less 
than three months I -will demoHsh your monarchy 
as I dash in pieces this porcelain." It was enough ; 
the treaty was signed, and the Austrian government 
was bound, upon national faith, to set the prisoners 
free.* 



* Austria was unwilling to acknowledge even then that she had 
been forced to submission. It was a remark of one of her ministers 
Baron Thugut, that " Lafayette was not liberated at the instance of 



33G LIFE OF GENERAL 

On the 23(1 of September, 1797, Lafayette, after an 
imprisonment of over five years, and his wife and 
daughters, after having been confined with him for 
twenty-two months, were allowed again to look upon 
the light and breath once more the pure air of hea- 
ven. The emotions of that family then mock the 
power of language. An officer awaited them at the 
gates to escort them to Hamburgh, where they were 
to receive their formal discharge from John Parish, 
Esq., the worthy American consul, who had long 
been devoted to their escape. Their reception in 
Hamburgh is related by Mr. Parish himself. 

" The Marquis' departure from Olmutz was notified 
to M. de Buol and myself, and I concerted measures 
for his being delivered over to me in my own house. 
Every thing was so arranged as to have the ceremony 
performed as quickly and secretly as possible, and 
the 4th of October was fixed for this reception. Mr. 
Morris and I dined that day with the minister Baron 
de Buol. I left them at four o'clock, in order to be 
at home when they arrived. An immense crowd of 
people announced their arrival. The streets were 
lined, and my house was soon filled with them. A 
lane was formed to let the prisoners pass to my room. 



France, but merely to show the Emperor's consideration for the 
United States of America." The influence of the American Presi- 
dent may have had its weight, and if so, — as another has remarked, 
— it is not a little singular that his release should have been effec- 
ted by the co-operation of the two most conspicuous men of their 
age. one the founder of a republic, the other of a despotism,— 
George Washington and Napoleon Bonaparte. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 337 

Lafayette led the way and was followed by his infirm 
lady and two daughters. He flew into my arms ; 
his wife and daughters clung to me. A silence, an 
expressive silence, took place. It was broken by an 
exclamation of, '' my friend ! my dearest friend ! my 
deliverer ! See the work of your generosity ! My 
poor, poor wife, hardly able to support herself!" 
And, indeed, she was not standing, but hanging on 
my arm, imbued with tears, while her two lovely 
girls had hold of the other. The scene was ex- 
tremely affecting and I was very much agitated. 
The room was full and I am sure there was not a dry 
eye in it. I placed the Marchioness on a sofa ; she 
sobbed and wept much, and could utter but few words. 
Again the Marquis came to my arms, his heart over- 
flowing with gratitude. I never saw a man in such 
complete ecstacy of body and mind. He is a hand- 
some man, in the prime of Hfe, and seemed to have 
suffered but Httle from his confinement. It required 
a good quarter of an hour to compose him. 

"In the midst of this scene the minister joined us. 
I introduced the Marquis and his family to him, and 
then requested that the ceremony about to be per- 
formed, might be in a private room, and desired that 
the rest of the company might remain where they 
were. 

" The minister, and his secretary, with the officer 
of the escort, Mr. Morris and the prisoner^ retired 
with me to an inner apartment, where M. de Buol, 
after a very handsome address to the prisoner^ stated 
the particular satisfaction he had in delivering him 



338 LIFE OF GENERAL 

over to a friend who loved and respected him so 
much. He then addressed me, and after some flat- 
tering comphments, reminded me of my engagement 
to the Emperor, to have the Marquis removed out 
of Germany in ten days, which I again promised to 
fulfill, when he told Lafayette that he was now com- 
pletely restored to Hberty." 

In rapture he could exclaim with the English 
Bard,— 

" ye loud Waves ! and ye Forests high ! 
And ye Clouds that far above me soared 1 
Thou rising Sun ! thou blue rejoicing sky ! 
Yea, every thing that is and will be free ! 
Bear witness for me wheresoe'er ye be, 
With what deep worship I have still adored 
The spirit of divinest Liberty ! 



i 



CHAPTER X. 



Lafayette in private life again — Two years in Holstein — Visits Ba- 
TAviA — Overthrow op the French Directory — Napoleon appointed 
First Consul — Lafayette appears in Paris — Chagrin of Bonaparte 

— Mutual understanding — Lafayette retires to La Grange — His in- 
tercourse WITH Bonaparte ceases— Death of Madame de Lafayette 

— Banishment of Bonaparte to Elba — Elevation of Louis X\1II to 
the French throne — Escape op Bonaparte — He appears in Paris — 
Bonaparte and Lafayette — Reverses at Waterloo — Abdication — La- 
fayette AT La Grange — Is again elected to the Chamber of Deputies 

— Revisits America — Incidents of his tour — Returns to France — 
Another Revolution— Death op Lafayette — IIis Character. 



The first act of Lafayette after his release was to 
obey the dictates of a grateful heart by writing and 
expressing his cordial acknowledgements to those who 
had so generously aided in his restoration. His next 
step was to procure a temporary retreat, where the 
sinking health of Madame de Lafayette might be 
restored, and which should be a home till the shores 
of his own native land should again welcome his foot- 
steps. The terms of release implied, as we have 
seen, that he should leave the Austrian jurisdiction 
within ten days ; and as the Directory had not yet 
invited him to return, he was compelled to select his 
residence upon neutral ground ; accordingly Holstein, 
a dependency of the King of Denmark, was chosen. 
In this territory, at the little town of Welmoldt, he 
enjoyed relaxation and repose. His own patrimony 
had been confiscated, but he was now relieved from 



340 LIFE OF GENERAL 

pecuniary embarassment by a bequest ot tour thousand 
pounds which had been made him by two Enghsh 
ladies as a token of their sympathy. With his son 
George, returned from America, his family circle was 
complete, and two years of uninterrupted pleasure 
glided by at Welmoldt. His time was occupied 
partly with agriculture, partly with literature and 
general science, and partly in arranging his " His- 
torical Fragments," embracing the political incidents 
and events of his past life. From the agitations 
which were still rocking Europe and which Na- 
poleon was beginning to guide, he kept studiously 
aloof. He desired to quit European politics, at least 
for a time, and if it could be, to revisit America and 
take up his abode among the people of his early fame 
and affection. He communicated his wishes to Wash- 
ington, but was dissuaded from immediate action on 
account of difficulties of a serious and delicate nature 
which had just arisen between the French Directory 
and the government of the United States. 

In the year 1799 the Batavian republic, in gratitude 
for his services rendered in 1787, sent him a formal 
invitation to visit that state, which he accepted ; and 
soon after left Holstein for Utrecht. He was here 
received with marked attention. The government 
and citizens conspired to render him the full tribute 
of their grateful affection ; and in renewing his in- 
tercourse with many of his former friends whom he 
now met, he began to feel that his manacles were 
removed. Still he was not at home. Amid the delights 
with which he was surrounded, he was yet an exile 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 341 

The French Directory still refused to erase his name 
from the list of the proscribed, and France was 
therefore shut against him. Germany was forbidden 
ground. He could not return to Holstein, for Russia 
was just then meditating an invasion of that province. 
His way was not yet clear to America. England, 
though she might not forbid him a refuge, could not 
afford him a hospitable reception. As he had before 
written when confined at Magdebourg : *' To the 
dangers of an escape from these barriers, guards and 
chains, are added those of a flight through the enemy's 
country, and an asylum. From Constantinople to 
Lisbon, from Kamschatka to Amsterdam, (for I am 
not in favor with the house of Orange,) only bastiles 
await me. The forests of the Hurons and the Iro- 
quois are peopled with my friends. The despots of 
Europe and their courts, are savages to me. Though 
I am not beloved at St. James, that is a nation of 
laws ; but I would avoid a country at war with my 
own.*' 

In the latter part of the year 1799, occurred those 
memorable events in Paris which overthrew the go- 
vernment of the Directory; established the Consulate, 
and placed the victorious Napoleon at the head of 
affairs in the Republic. Though he had secured the 
freedom of Lafayette, he was averse to his returning, 
aware that his own aspirations and plans could never 
harmonize with those of so earnest a patriot. The 
Marquis, unsuccessful in his applications, suspected 
that all was not right in Bonaparte's professions of 
attachment either to freedom or himself. Sensible 



342 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of the obligations which he owed to Napoleon, he did 
not suffer his gratitude to bhnd his mind or delude his 
heart. Soon as he heard at Utrecht that the Direc- 
tory was no more, he made a decisive stroke to 
regain his privilege. Before the first Consul could 
have time to take action upon his case ; before the 
joy of the people over the silent guileotine and de- 
throned Robespierre, could have subsided, he deter- 
mined to appear in Paris and demand in person the 
restoration of his citizenship. Arriving at Paris he 
immediately announced his arrival in the following 
note to Napoleon. 

*' From the day when the prisoners of Olmutz owed 
their liberty to you, to this, when the liberty of my 
country lays me under still greater obligations to 
you, I have thought that the continuance of my 
proscription was not expedient for the government, 
or for myself. Accordingly, I am now in Paris, Be- 
fore going into the country, where I shall meet my 
family — before even seeing my friends here, I delay 
not a moment to address myself to you ; not that I 
doubt that I am in my appropriate place, wherever 
the repubUc is founded upon worthy bases, but because 
both my duty and my feelings prompt me to bear 
to you in person the expression of my gratitude." 

Bonaparte was taken completely by surprise. The 
" man of the people " had outgeneralled the *' con- 
queror of Italy." He could not outwai'dly express dis- 
satisfaction, for he had just sworn to be faithful to 
those principles which the whole life of Lafayette had 
illustrated. To refuse the claim would be directly 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 343 

hostile to his professions, while to admit it, would be 
to subject all his actions to the surveillance of a 
man whose presence he feared. In the first few 
interviews between them, Lafayette and Bonaparte 
understood each other perfectly, though the latter 
endeavored to gloss over his ambitious aspirations. 
Lafayette abhorred dissimulation, and was perfectly 
frank in the expression of his opinions. Soon as he 
learned those of the Consul, he did not hesitate to 
denounce them to his face. He admired Napoleon's 
military glory, but shrank with disgust from the selfish, 
lawless passion for fame that reigned in the citadel of 
his soul. The homage which he felt for his resplen- 
dant genius, did not so dazzle as to prevent him from 
discerning his vast designs. While Lafayette's request 
was unanswered, the two held long and frequent con- 
versations upon the interests of the country ; but no 
iooner was it received than it became equally agree- 
able to them both, that the Marquis should leave 
Paris for the comparative obscurity of country life. 
La Grange, an inheritance of Madame de Lafayette, 
which had been confiscated during the Revolution, 
was now restored by order of the new government, 
to its original possessors. It was a beautiful estate, 
comprising about a thousand acres, situated in the fer- 
tile district of La Brie, about forty miles east of Paris. 
At this delightful retreat, the family of Lafayette be- 
came once more united upon their native soil. Seclu- 
ding himself from political strife, and, with a spirit 
which the dungeons of Olmutz had not tamed, refu 



344 LIFE OF GENERAL 

sing inflexibly to bow before imperial authority, he 
gave himself exclusively to the endearments of domes- 
tic life, and the pursuits of literature and science. 
Napoleon, who would have gained his adherence, plied 
every means at his command. He proffered him the 
dignity and emoluments of a membership in the new 
Senate which he was constituting, but as he could not 
accept this without appearing to lend support to the 
government, it was resolutely declined. The post of 
ambassador to the United States was then offered 
him, but this he felt bound to refuse for very different 
reasons. He felt himself almost as much a citizen of 
America as of France, and he could not indulge the 
thought of going there as a stranger, to watch with 
a jealous eye over the rights of his own country. 

In 1802, he met at a dinner party Lord CornwalHs, 
the newly appointed British Minister to France, and 
in reply to his lordship's queries, he assured him thai 
his attachment to freedom was firm and uncompro- 
mising as ever. The conversation turning upon Na- 
poleon's administration, and the question being asked 
Lafayette whether this was consonant to his ideas of 
liberty, he boldly replied, that it was not. Court spies 
were not long in carrying this to Napoleon, who was 
enraged. The next time they met, he did not con- 
ceal his resentment. '* Lord Cornwallis pretends," 
said he, " that you are not yet corrected." 

" Of what ?" demanded Lafayette, '' of my love of 
liberty 1 What should disgust me with that 1 The 
extravagances and crimes of terrorist tyranny have 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 345 

only served to make me hate more heartily every 
arbitrary regime, and attach myself more strongly to 
my principles." 

" But you have spoken to him of our affairs," said 
the consul, v\^ithout concealing his rage. 

" No one is further than myself," replied Lafayette, 
" from seeking a foreign ambassador to censure what 
is passing in my ovv^n country ; but if he ask me if 
this is liberty, I must ansvi^er, No." 

" I must say to you. General Lafayette," said Bo- 
naparte, — " and I perceive it with pain, that, by your 
manner of speaking of the acts of the government 
you give its enemies the weight of your name." 

" What more can I do '?" was the firm reply, — " I 
live in the country in retirement, I avoid as far as I 
can, occasions of speaking of public affairs ; but when 
any one demands of me if your administration of the 
government, is conformable to my ideas of liberty, / 
shall say that it is not. I wish to be prudent, but I can- 
not be false.''^ 

The towering ambition of Napoleon, not content 
with uncertain greatness, desired to have his office 
conferred upon him for life. The legislative body 
submitted the question to the people, who, dazzled by 
the splendor of Napoleon's military achievements, 
voted to sanction this appointment. When Lafayette 
was called upon to vote, he replied : *' I cannot vote 
for such a magistracy, until public liberty has been 
sufficiently guaranteed. Then will I give my vote to 
Napoleon Bonaparte." In the following letter, dated 



346 LIFE OF GENERAL 

La Grange, May 20th, 1802, he thus addressed the 
First Consul : 

" General, — When a man, penetrated with the 
gratitude which he owes you, and too much ahve to 
glory not to admire yours, has placed restrictions on 
his suffrage, those restrictions will be so much the 
less suspected when it is known that none more than 
himself would delight to see you chief magistrate for 
life of a free republic. The 18th Brumaire saved 
France, and I felt that I was recalled by the liberal 
professions to which you have attached your honor. 
We afterwards beheld in the consular power that re- 
storative dictatorship, which, under the auspices of 
your genius, has achieved such great things, less great, 
however, than will be the restoration to liberty. It is 
impossible that you. General, the first in that order of 
men, (whom, to quote and compare it, would require 
me to retrace every age of history,) can wish that such 
a revolution, so many victories, so much blood and 
miseries, should produce to the world and to ourselves 
no other results than an arbitrary system. The 
French people have too well known their rights to 
have entirely forgotten them. But perhaps they are 
better able to recover them now with advantage than 
in the heat of effervescence ; and you, by the power 
of your character and the public confidence; by the 
superiority of your talents, your situation and your 
fortune, may, by reestablishing liberty, subdue our 
dangers and calm our inquietudes. I have no other 
than patriotic and personal motives in wishing foj 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 317 

you, as the climax of our glory, a permanent magis- 
trative post ; but it is in unity with my principles, my 
engagements, the actions of my whole life, to as- 
certain, before I vote, that liberty is established on 
bases w^orthy of the nation and of you. I hope you 
will now acknowledge, General, as you have already 
had occasion to do, that to firmness in my political 
opinions are joined my sincere wishes for your wel- 
fare, and profound sentiments of my obligations to 
you." 

This memorable, manly and characteristic letter 
was never answered. Napoleon withdrew entirely 
from Lafayette and surrounded himself only with 
those advisers who would have no scruples in carrying 
forward his plans. All intercourse between them 
was suspended, and they did not meet again till after 
Napoleon's sad reverses, in 1814, had taught him 
to feel the wisdom of those counsels once rashly 
slighted. 

The years passed pleasantly by Lafayette ; the 
world had not forgotten him, and by visiting him in 
his seclusion, or less directly, the distingue manifested 
their appreciation of his worth. Many of the British 
whigs who had nobly defended him in Parhament, 
personally paid their respects to him at La Grange. 
A number of his friends from America went to see 
him, and entreated him to make his permanent abode 
within a Union cemented in part by his own blood. 
President Jefferson seconded these requests and pre- 
pared the way for him honorably to become an 

American citizen by offering to appoint him governor 

23 



348 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of the newly acquired territory of Louisiana. The 
heart of the General was touched by these tokens 
of affection, but he felt constrained to remain in 
France as long as there was the slightest hope of her 
political elevation. Though every thing seemed lost, 
yet he discerned radiance athwart the gloom. As he 
expressed it in his letter to Mr. Jefferson : " For 
me to pronounce the sentence ; to proclaim it, as it 
were, by a final expatriation, would be a concession 
so contrary to my sanguine nature, that unless I were 
absolutely forced, I know not the land, however dis- 
advantageous, and still less can I imagine the hope, 
however unpromising, which I could totally and 
irrevocably abandon." 

But the tranquillity of La Grange was mournfully 
interrupted. A terrible calamity, in 1807, fell with 
desolating weight upon that household. During the 
barbarous confinement in Austria, the constitution of 
Madame de Lafayette had received a shock which it 
could not bear. Disease, slow but certain, had fas- 
tened upon her frame and hastened her to the grave. 
The raptures of re-union could not divert, though they 
cheered, her pathway to the tomb. Lafayette saw 
her cheek paling ; her eye growing dim ; her step 
becoming less elastic ; and the thought which these 
warnings awakened was one of agony. On the 24th 
of December she gave him her last smile, and 
breathing a prayer that he might have " the peace 
of God," she closed her eyes in death's gentlest 
slumber. " She died," says Mr. de Segur, '* sur- 
rounded by a numerous family, who offered up ardent 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 349 

prayers to heaven for her preservation. When unable 
lo articulate, a smile played upon her lips at the 
sight of her husband and children, who bathed her 
death-bed w^ith tears. Devoted to her domestic duties, 
which were her only pleasure ; adorned by every 
virtue ; pious, modest, charitable, severe to herself, 
indulgent to others, she was one of the few whose 
pure reputation has received fresh luster from the 
misfortunes of the Revolution. Though ruined by 
our political storm, yet she scarcely seemed to re- 
collect that she had ever enjoyed ample fortune. She 
was the happiness of her family, the friend of the 
poor, the consoler of the afflicted, an ornament to her 
country, and an honor to her sex." 

The emotions which tossed the heart of Lafayette 
under this bereavement, he himself has partially ex- 
pressed in the following extract from a letter to 
his friend Masclet. " I willingly admit," says he, 
*' that under great misfortune, I have felt myself su- 
perior to the situation in which my friends had the 
kindness to sympathize ; but at present, 1 have neither 
the power nor the wish to struggle against the ca- 
lamity which has befallen me, or rather, to surmount 
the deep affliction which 1 shall carry with me to the 
grave. It will be mingled with the sweetest re- 
collections of the thirty-four years, during which I was 
bound by the tenderest ties that, perhaps, ever existed, 
and with the thought of her last moments, in which 
she heaped upon me such proofs of her incomparable 
aftection. I cannot describe the happiness which, in 
the midst of so many vicissitudes and troubles, I have 



850 LIFE OF GENERAL 

constantly derived from the tender, noble and gen- 
erous feeling, ever associated to the interests which 
gave animation to my existence." 

These feelings were perennial. The widowhood 
of his heart was no transient thing ; it darkened the 
world till he sank to rest. < " One day during his last 
illness," writes a constant attendant upon him, "I 
surprised him kissing her portrait, which he always 
wore suspended to his neck in a small gold medallion. 
Around the portrait were the words, ' I am yours,' 
and on the back was engraved this short and touching 
inscription: *I was then a gentle companion to you! 
— in that case — bless me.' " > 

In the year 1814 passed another act in the rapidly 
shifting drama of French politics. The ruling dynasty 
was changed. The allied powers of Europe had 
broken the rod of Napoleon, and banished him to 
Elba, while Louis XVIII. was seated upon the throne 
of his fathers. Amid these excitements Lafayette 
stood a reserved but not unobservant spectator. He 
did not regret the fall of Bonaparte, for he had seen 
him striding rapidly forward to an uncompromising 
despotism. He did not rejoice in the elevation of 
Louis, for this only brought upon the stage again the 
old evils of Jacobinism, from which he and the nation 
had already suffered so frightfully. The fact, that 
Louis derived his power and was maintained in his 
position by the enemies of the realm, was, especially 
repugnant. During the brief reign of this monarch, 
Lafayette appeared once at court, and though gra- 
ciously received by the King, he retired to La Grange 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 351 

and did not repeat the visit. He could do nothing 
for France, and his only course was to mark the tide 
of affairs ; persuaded that republican principles would 
yet have a glorious resurrection. 

Louis XVIII. remained in possession of his throne 
for scarcely eleven months. The '* man of destiny" 
had not yet fulfilled his prescribed career. In the 
month of February, 1815, he contrived to elude the 
vigilant watch at Elba, and on the first of March he 
landed upon the shores of France. From Cannes, 
where he first planted his foot, the news of his arri- 
val spread as on lightening wing, awakening the min- 
gled emotions of gladness and consternation. With 
scarcely a thousand soldiers, he started for Paris, con- 
fident that he should be able to drive his rival from 
the throne, and take again the scepter. His march 
was a triumph. Bands of men, actuated by the en- 
thusiasm which he could inspire at will, flocked to his 
standard. The force sent out to oppose his progress, 
joined his ranks, with the hearty shout *' vive Vempe- 
reury Marshal Ney, " the bravest of the brave," 
with all the troops under his command, hastened to 
swell his army. Grenoble and Lyons opened their 
gates at his approach, while with victorious and rapid 
strides, the exiled Emperor neared the walls of Paris. 
Louis heard of his approach at first with amazement, 
and then with despair. One by one, he saw the 
props on which he had relied, sinking away from be- 
neath him, until before the ISth of March, his last 
army had yielded to the magic of Napoleon's pre- 
sence, and he found himself alone His only resource 



352 LIFE OF GENERAL 

was in flight, and on the 20th of March he forsook 
the capital, which was immediately entered by Napo- 
leon, who, assuming the reins, recommenced his im- 
perial reign. 

Lafayette could not interfere, but looked on with 
absorbing interest. He was not unnoticed by the 
Emperor. Napoleon knew that power regained, 
might be wrested from his grasp, unless its founda- 
tions were laid more broadly in concessions which 
the progressive democratic principle demanded. He 
accordingly gave his pledges, and then sent his bro- 
ther Joseph to sound Lafayette, and secure his alle- 
giance. Honors were offered him ; — all the dignity 
that Bonaparte could bestow was laid at his feet, but 
he refused to compromise principle, or attach himself 
to the fortunes of the Corsican.< An hereditary peer- 
I age was reestablished by Napoleon, and Lafayette 
^ pressed to take his seat as a member, with the inti- 
mation that his name was first on the list of peers. 
His reply to the ex-king of Spain, who had urged 
this, was significant : — *' Should I ever again appear 
on the scene of public life," said he, " it can only be 

AS A REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PEOPLE." Thc peerage 

was refused, and Lafayette, urged by the inhabitants 
of his district, accepted the appointment as their re- 
presentative to the elective body, instituted to sit in 
connection with the peers. 

In this capacity* he appeared before his country, 
ready to show forth the same immutability of inte- 
grity, a\id the same energy " as was possessed by him 
to whom America raised statues ere manhood had 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 35-3 

shed its down upon his cheek ; — to whom the mili- 
tary spirit of France devoted a sword of victory, 
formed out of the dungeon bars of the Bastile which 
he had broken. As a member of the chamber of 
deputies, he exhibited to his country a bright, untar- 
nished model of the true, pure, incorruptible constitu- 
tionalists of 1789, whose views for the liberty and 
happiness of their country had been successively and 
effectually frustrated, by the sordid selfishness of an- 
tiquated privilege, by the factious intrigues of sangui- 
nary democracy, — and by the aspiring views of bold, 
boundless and despotic ambition." 

His course in the chamber during the first stage of 
his renewed appearance there, was very unobtrusive. 
He sought no prominence, either to favor or oppose 
any new measure. He considered France invaded, 
and as a good citizen, voted for all the supplies need- 
ful for defense ; but in no way implicated himself in 
Bonaparte's gigantic designs. It was not till after the 
overthrow at Waterloo, that his voice was heard from 
the tribune, expressing sentiments which had not been 
breathed in that place, since they had fallen from 
his own lips twenty years before. He insisted that 
Napoleon should abdicate, but indulged in no invec- 
tives, and uttered no reproaches upon fallen greatness. 
In all the mortifying scenes through which the Em- 
peror was now compelled to move, Lafayette treated 
him with generous sympathy and -kindness. He sti- 
pulated in the Assembly that the liberty and life of 
Napoleon should be guaranteed by the nation, and 
endeavored to obtain for him two frigates to conduct 



354 LIFE OF GENERAL 

him safely to the United States before falling into the 
hands of the allies ; but it was too late. Napoleon's 
star of destiny was declining, yet his heart was 
touched by the attentions of him from whom he had 
least expected them. 

< After the fate of Napoleon was sealed, Louis XVIII. 
was again forced by the allies uppn the French, con- 
trary to the wishes both of Lafayette and themselves. 
Resistance was however impossible, for a million of 
foreign bayonets environed him, and Lafayette again 
returned to La Grange. His retirement continued 
unbroken for four years, when, in 1819, he was elec- 
ted to the chamber of deputies, from the departments 
of La Sarthe and Meaux. The King had manifested 
that steady encroachment upon the rights of the peo- 
ple characteristic of the Bourbons, and Lafayette op- 
posed the arrogance of Louis. He attacked despotic 
claims with a freedom of speech that went to the pa- 
lace. The minions of the King were resolved to 
crush him. They hoped to find him guilty of con- 
spiracy ; they watched his words for a traitorous 
meaning ; but he continued hurling his fulminations 
against tyranny, utterly regardless of the conse- 
q'uences to himself. The King bore it awhile, but 
patience was never a Bourbon virtue, and Louis 
XVIII. certainly did not excel his predecessors in 
this particular. In 1 823 he ordered his Solicitor Ge- 
neral to accuse Lafayette of treason. The charge 
was publicly made in the chamber of deputies, and, 
for a few minutes, was received with profound silence 
by that body. At length Lafayette slowly arose, and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 355 

with perfect self-possession, took his stand upon the 
tribune. For a moment he said nothing, but with 
his arms folded across his manly breast, he coolly sur- 
veyed the assembly. Then, with composure and 
without denying the charge, he said: — "In spite of 
my habitual indifference to party accusations and ani- 
mosities, I still think myself bound to say a single 
word upon this occasion. During the whole course 
of a hfe entirely devoted to hberty, I have constantly 
been an object of attack to the enemies of that cause, 
under whatever form, despotic, aristocratic, or an- 
archic, they have endeavored to combat it. I do not 
complain, then, because I observe some affectation in 
the use of the word proved, which the Solicitor Ge- 
neral has employed against me ; but I join my 
honored friends in demanding a public inquiry, within 
the walls of this chamber, and in the face of the na- 
tion. Then, I and my adversaries, to whatever rank 
they belong, may declare, without reserve, all that 
we have mutually had to reproach each other with, 
for the last thirty years." 

From such a challenge his accusers recoiled and 
none was willing to accept it. They loved darkness 
rather than light. The charge melted speedily away 
before the threatening aspect of a public inquisition. 
Lafayette was acquitted, but the government, by bri- 
bery and intrigues, defeated his reelection. , He was 
at length prepared for his contemplated project of 
revisiting America. France and the United States 
were at peace; he was free from any extraordinary 
care; and his waning years reminded him that his 



356 LIFE OF GENERAL 

voyage must be speedily, if ever, accomplished. He 
had struggled to establish a republic upon both con- 
tinents ; foiled at home, he yearned to repose under 
the goodly tree M^hich he had planted and watered 
abroad; whose boughs were waving broad and high 
in the sunlight of human well-being. Universal joy 
spread over America at the intelligence. President 
Monroe promply wrote him, offering to place a na- 
tional frigate at his service to convey him to the 
United States. He no longer hesitated, and declining 
Mr. Monroe's offer, he set sail from Havre, on the 
12th of July, 1824, in an American merchantman, 
accompanied by his son George Washington, and his 
private secretary Mr. Levasseur. The citizens of 
Havre were prepared to give a public demonstration 
of their admiration of Lafayette, but the government 
had ordered its police to stop it and repress any signs 
of respect by the immense multitude assembled to 
witness his embarkation. But three hearty cheers 
broke spontaneously from the host, as the sails of the 
Cadmus were spread, and the wind bore the vessel 
from port. 

On the 15th of August, the Cadmus arrived in the 
harbor of New York, after a pleasant passage of thir- 
ty-one days. It was on the morning of the Sabbath ; 
and, with a becoming respect for the sacredness of the 
day, he accepted the invitation of Vice President 
Tompkins to land upon Staten Island, and remain at 
his mansion till the following day. With unutterable 
emotion he set his feet upon the freest soil in the 
world, endeared by grand and touching memories. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. S57 

It was a rich draught of pleasure, and all the mag- 
nificence of his reception afterwards did not augment 
the gladness of this first moment of his landing. 

The arrangements for his reception in the city were 
ample ; and early on Monday morning salutes were 
fired, and the bells commenced ringing their glad 
peals of welcome. The whole town was alive with 
expectation, and soon the bay, from New York to 
Staten Island, was covered with boats anxious to 
catch the first sight of the nation's guest. At nine 
o^clock in the morning, the committee appointed by 
the Corporation, the Officers of the Army and Navy, 
the Major-Generals and the Brigadier-Generals of the 
Militia, the President of the Chamber of Commerce, 
and the committee from the Society of Cincinnati, 
set out to escort him to the city. All the steamboats 
proflTered their services to accompany the escort , 
magnificently dressed for the occasion, with flags and 
streamers of every land, they presented a pageant 
new and altogether imposing. The Battery was 
crowded with spectators; Castle Garden was filled, 
and every boat that arrived to take its station teemed 
with excited throngs. Amid the display of the scene, 
the steamboat Chancellor Livingston, which was to 
receive the Marquis, presented a singular appearance ; 
her only decoration being the flag of the United 
States and that of New York. This was a delicate 
compliment to Lafayette. He needed not the orna- 
ments of tinselled splendor. He was received with 
military honors ; but the wild huzza, which rose from 
thousands when he stepped on board, drowned the 
music and the roar of cannon. Among the company 



358 LIFE OF GENERAL 

on board were several revolutionary soldiers, who had 
been by his side in the smoke of battle, and forgetful 
of ceremony they rushed forward to embrace their 
old companion in arms. The greeting was equally 
warm with him, and tears fell from ^' eyes unused to 
weep," while those veterens were embracing. Just 
then, the bands, which had been playing, " See the 
conquering hero comes," struck into the favorite 
French air, ** Ou peut-on etre mieux qu'au sein de sa 
famille,''^^ and the immense flotilla moved forward. 
Far as the eye could reach, the venerable Marquis 
saw joyful faces, and heard the acclamations of the 
two hundred thousand participants of that gala day. 

Landing at the Battery, he entered Castle Garden, 
and partook of refreshments provided, and then ta- 
king his set with General Morton, in an elegant 
barouche, drawn by four white horses, a way was 
slowly opened through the multitude, to the City 
Hall. All along Broadway the pavements, the roofs 
and windows, were crowded by a dense assemblage, 
among whom the eye of the illustrious visiter rested 
upon no sorrowful face. 

At the City Hall he was appropriately welcomed 
by the Mayor, and then received the congratulations 
of distinguished citizens, who pressed forward to offer 
their salutation. Now and then, one of his former 
comrades would press through the crowd, and grasp- 
ing his hand, give by his flowing tears a welcome 
which his faltering tongue refused to speak. 

For four days he remained in New York ; on the 

•"Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTK 359 

20th, he left for Boston, attended by a large concourse 
of citizens, who thronged his way for miles. His 
course was along Long Island Sound, and his recep- 
tion by the different towns on the southern borders 
of Connecticut, was evidence of the general enthusi- 
asm awakened by his arrival. At Fairfield, an ele- 
gant table was prepared at the Hotel, by the young 
ladies of the town, who gained great honor by the 
manner in which it had been prepared. " The deco- 
rations of the table were planned on a style of the 
greatest elegance ; the dishes were quite enveloped 
with evergreens and scattering flowers ; and the due 
proportions were observed in the succession of viands, 
as well as in the harmony and contrast of colors, 
which maintained a kind of silent correspondence, 
from the opposite sides of a splendid cone that occupied 
the center. On taking their seats at the table, the 
guests might have supposed themselves invited to a 
feast of wreaths and flowers, studded with the ^ crim- 
son hail' of winter greens, cranberries and amare 
dulcis. The table was like the bed of some fairy's 
enchanted garden, so entirely did the decorations 
overshadow and conceal the rich collation beneath. 
When this verdant veil was removed, the scene was 
changed as suddenly as at the dissolving of a spell, 
and the company could not repress their surprise. 
The General expressed his gratification at this speci- 
men of female taste, and regretted that it should be 
so quickly destroyed, to gratify that of the gentlemen." 
On the 24th, he reached Boston, where his recep- 
tion was exceedingly brilHant. Under the shadow 



360 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall, his soul kindled 
with the fire which burned nearly half a century 
before. 

Such was the uniformly splendid reception, that to 
have described one scene, will be to have pictured all. 
He traveled most of the country, and with daily in- 
creasing pleasure, saw evidences of thrift and pros- 
perity. In the southern and western portion of the 
country, he went over an area of over 3000 miles in 
extent, which was a pathless desert when he last 
visited the new world, but which now displayed to 
his astonished vision, nine new states, from whose 
flourishing towns a free, virtuous, and intelligent peo- 
ple, poured forth to invoke blessings on his head. 
Every new city, every improvement that he wit- 
nessed, every indication of advancing greatness, was 
testimony to the wisdom and purity of his youthful 
choice. His mind often went back to scenes of early 
hardship, and as he contrasted them with the bright- 
ness of the present, he rejoiced in the harvest, a thou- 
sand fold, upon the bloody sowing. His visit was 
during an excited Presidential contest, when the 
friends of Adams, Jackson, Clay and Crawford, were 
in the field, and the country was in a flame of party 
strife. Few elections have been more warmly fought, 
and he looked on a passive, but deeply interested," 
observer. He beheld the elements of order ; the 
law and the constitution exerted their silent autho- 
rity. The same men who to-day, in party hostility 
met Hke foes, to-morrow would mingle their congra- 
tulations. It was a spectacle which made him sigh 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 361 

over the scenes of the Old World. It was a beauti- 
ful exhibition of the practical workings of principles 
which his benevolence would have scattered around 
the globe. 

It is often said that republics are ungrateful, but 
the United States have given a bright exception to 
this charge. Congress bestowed upon him two hun- 
dred thousand dollars, and a township of land, as a 
partial testimony to the value of his Revolutionary 
services. 

His reception by Congress was pecuHarly gratify- 
ing. The first act passed by it after organization, 
was one of public welcome to him. A committee of 
twenty-four members, was appointed to wait upon 
the General, and invite him to visit Congress upon 
such a day as he might choose to designate. On the 
day appointed, he entered the Hall of Representa- 
tives, which had been tastefully decorated, where the 
Senators and Members of the House had assembled 
to receive him. Every one rose on his entry, and 
remained standing while the rich tones of Mr. Clay, 
the Speaker of the House, pronounced the following 
eloquent address : — 

"General, — The House of Representatives of the 
United States, impelled alike by its own feelings, and 
by those of the whole American people, could not 
have assigned to me a more gratifying duty, than that 
of being its organ to present to you cordial congra- 
tulations upon the occasion of your recent arrival in 
the United States, in compliance with the wishes of 

Congress, and to assure you of the very high satis- 
16 



SG2 LIFE OF GENERAL 

faction which your presence affords on this early 
theater of your glory and renown. Although but 
few of the members who compose this body, shared 
with you in the war of the Revolution, all have a 
knowledge from impartial history, or from faithful 
tradition, of the perils, the sulFerings, and the sacri- 
fices, which you have voluntarily encountered, and 
the signal services, in America and in Europe, which 
you performed for an infant, a distant, and an alien 
people ; and all feel, and own, the very great ex- 
tent of the obligations under which you have placed 
our country. But the relations in which you have 
ever stood to the United States, interesting and im- 
portant as they have been, do not constitute the only 
motive of the respect and admiration which this 
House entertains for you. Your consistency of cha- 
racter, your uniform devotion to regulated liberty, in 
all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also 
commands its highest admiration. During all the re- 
cent convulsions of Europe, amidst, as after the dis- 
persion of, every political storm, the people of the 
United States have ever beheld you true to your old 
principles, firm and erect, cheering and animating, 
with your well known voice, the votaries of Hberty, 
its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the 
last drop of that blood, which here you so fi'eely and 
nobly spilt in the same holy cause. 

" The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that 
Providence would allow^ the Patriot, after death, to 
return to his country, and to contemplate the inter- 
mediate changes which had taken place — to view the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 363 

the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains 
leveled, the canals cut, the highways constructed, 
the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, 
and the increase of population. General, your pre- 
sent visit to the United States is the realization of 
the consoling object of that v^rish. You are in the 
midst of posterity! Every where you must have 
been struck with the great changes, physical and mo- 
ral, which have occurred since you left us. Even 
this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike en- 
deared to you and to us, has since emerged from the 
forest which then covered its site. In one respect, 
you behold us unaltered, and that is in this sentiment 
of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affec- 
tion and profound gratitude to your departed friend, 
the Father of his country, and to your illustrious 
associates, in the field and in the cabinet, for the mul- 
tiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very 
privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. 
This sentiment, now fondly cherished by more than 
ten millions of people, will be transmitted, with un- 
abated vigor, down the tide of time, through the 
countless millions who are destined to inhabit this 
continent, to the latest posterity." 

The reply of Lafayette was full of feeling. Said 
he:— 

"Mr. Speaker, — While the people of the United 
States, and their honorable Representatives in Con- 
gress, have deigned to make choice of me, one of the 
American veterans, to signify in his person, their 

esteem for our ioint services and their attachment 
^ 24 



364 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to the principles for which we have had the honor to 
fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those 
extraordinary favors with my dear revolutionary com- 
panions — yet, it would be, on my part, uncandid and 
ungrateful not to acknowledge my personal share 
in those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in 
my breast emotions which no words could adequately 
express. 

" My obligations to the United States, sir, far ex- 
ceed any merit I might claim. They date from the 
time when I had the happiness to be adopted as a 
young soldier, a favored son of America. They have 
been continued to me during almost half a century 
of constant affection and confidence, and now, sir, 
thanks to your most gratifying invitation, I find my- 
self greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour of 
which would more than compensate for the public 
exertions and sufferings of a whole life. 

"The approbation of the American people and 
their Representatives, for my conduct during the 
vicissitudes of the European Revolution, is the high- 
est reward I could receive. Well may I stand * firm 
and erect,' when, in their names, and by you, Mr. 
Speaker, I am declared to have, in every instance, 
been faithful to those American principles of liberty, 
equality and true social order, the devotion to which, 
as it has been from my earliest youth, so shall it con- 
tinue to be to my latest breath. 

" You have been pleased to allude, Mr. Speaker, 
to the pecuUar fehcity of my situation, when, after 
so long an absence, I am called to witnes? the im- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 365 

mense improvements, the admirable communications, 
the prodigious creations of which we find an example 
in this city, whose name itself is a venerated palla- 
dium ; in a word, all the grandeur and prosperity of 
these happy United States, which, at the same time 
they nobly secure the complete assertion of American 
Independence, reflect on every part of the world the 
light of a far superior political civilization. 

" What better pledge can be given of a perseve- 
ring national love of liberty, when those blessings 
are evidenlty the result of a virtuous resistance to 
oppression, and the institutions founded on the rights 
of man and the Republican principal of self-govern- 
ment. No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for 
me — since in the sons of my companions and friends, 
1 find the same public feelings, and permit me to add, 
the same feelings in my behalf, which I have had the 
happiness to experience in their fathers. 

" Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before 
a Committee of a Congress of thirteen States, to ex- 
press the fond wishes of an American heart. On this 
day I have the honor, and enjoy the delight, to con- 
gratulate the Representatives of the Union, so vastly 
enlarged, on the realization of those wishes, even 
beyond every human expectation, and upon the 
almost infinite prospects we can with certainty antici- 
pate. • 

'' Permit me, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen, to join, 
to the expression of those sentiments, a tribute of my 
lively gratitude, affectionate devotion, and profound 
respect.'* 



866 LIFE OF GENERAL 

The House of Representatives then adjourned, and 
the Speaker descended from his chair, and gave his 
hand affectionately to the agitated veteran. The 
members gathered round, and, as one by one they 
gave th^r greeting, Lafayette felt, that amid all 
the triumphs he had enjoyed, none had surpassed 
this. A scene as impressive occurred in the Senate 
chamber. 

Among the incidents of Lafayette's tour, viras his 
visit to the tomb of Washington, which is thus de- 
scribed by his private secretary and constant atten- 
dant : — 

< '' Leaving Washington and descending the Potomac, 
after a voyage of two hours, the guns of fort Wash- 
ing announced that we were approaching the last 
abode of the Father of his country. At this solemn 
signal, to which the military band accompanying us 
responded by plaintive strains, we went on deck and 
the venerable soil of Mt. Vernon was before us ; at 
this view an involuntary and spontaneous movement 
made us kneel. We landed in boats and trod upon 
the ground so often worn by the feet of Washington. 
A carriage received General Lafayette, and the other 
visitors silently ascended the precipitous path which 
conducted to the solitary habitation of Mt. Vernon. 

** Three nephews of General Washington took La- 
fayette, his son, and myself, to conduct us to the tomb 
of their uncle ; our numerous companions remained 
in the house ; in a few minutes after, the cannon of 
the fort, thundering anew, announced that Lafayette 
rendered homage to the ashes of Washington. Sim- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 867 

pie and modest as he was during life, the tomb of 
the citizen hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre 
cypresses by which it is surrounded. A vault sHghtly 
elevated and sodded over, a wooden door without 
inscriptions, some withered and some green garlands, 
indicate, to the traveler who visits this spot, the place 
where rest in peace the puissant arms which broke 
the chains of his country. As we approached, the 
door was opened ; Lafayette descended alone into the 
vault, and a few minutes after re-appeared with his 
eyes overflowing with tears. He took his son and me 
by the hand and led us into the tomb, where by a 
sign he indicated the coffin of his paternal friend, 
alongside of which was that of his companion in life, 
united to him in the grave. We knelt reverently 
near his coffin, which we respectfully saluted with 
our lips, and rising threw ourselves into the arms 
of Lafayette and mingled our tears with his." "^^ 

The year, which he had allotted for his visit, passed 
rapidly by in well nigh uninterrupted festivity and 
rejoicing. But such scenes could not last forever, 
and on the 6th of September, 1825, the anniversary 
of his birth day, Lafayette enjoyed his last fete in 
America. This was at the house of President Adams, 
in Washington, and on the following day, ''the old 
man eloquent," in the presence of a large concourse 
of citizens, made the farewell address in the name 
of the American people and government. The clo- 
sing part of this was in the following highly finished 
strain. 

" The ship is now prepared for your reception, and 



368 LIFE OF GENEKAL 

equipped for sea. From the moment of her departure? 
the prayers of millions will ascend to heaven that her 
passage may be prosperous, and your return to the 
bosom of your family as propitious to your happiness, 
as your visit to this scene of your youthful glory has 
been to that of the American people. 

" Go, then, our beloved friend — return to the land 
of brilliant genius, of generous sentiment, of heroic 
valor ; to that beautiful France, the nursing mother 
of the twelfth Louis and the fourth Henry; to the 
native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and 
Catinat, of Fenelon and d' Aguesseau. In that illus- 
trious catalogue of names which she claims as of her 
children, and with honest pride holds to the admiration 
of other nations, the name of Lafayette has already 
for centuries been enrolled. And it shall henceforth 
burnish into brighter fame ; for if, in after days, a 
Frenchman shall be called to indicate the character 
of his nation by that of one individual, during the age 
in which we live, the blood of lofty patriotism shall 
mantle in his cheek, the fire of conscious virtue shall 
sparkle in his eye, and he shall pronounce the name 
of Lafayette. Yet we, too, and our children, in life 
and after death, shall claim you for his own. You are 
ours by that more than patriotic self-devotion with 
which you flew to the aid of our fathers at the crisis 
of their fate ; ours by that long series of years in 
which you have cherished us in your regard ; ours by 
that unshaken sentiment of gratitude for your ser- 
vices, which is a precious portion of our inheritance ; 
ours by that tie of love, stronger than death, which 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 369 

has linked your name, for the endless ages of time, 
with the name of Washington. 

^* At the painful moment of parting from you, we 
take comfort in the thought, that wherever you may 
be, to the last pulsation of your heart, our country 
will ever be present to your affections ; and a cheering 
consolation assures us. that we are not called to sor- 
row most of all that we shall see your face no more. 
We shall indulge the pleasing anticipation of beholding 
our friend again. In the meantime, speaking in the 
name of the whole people of the United States, and 
at a loss only for language to give utterance to that 
feeling of attachment with which the heart of the 
oation beats, as the heart of one man — I bid you a 
-eluctant and affectionate farewell." 

Visibly moved, Lafayette thus replied : 

" Amid all my obligations to the General Govern- 
ment, and particularly to you, sir, its respected Chief- 
Magistrate, I have most thankfully to acknowledge 
the opportunity given me, at this solemn and painful 
moment, to present the people of the United States 
with a parting tribute of profound, inexpressible 
gratitude. 

" To have been in the infant and critical days of 
these States adopted by them as a favorite son, to 
have participated with them in the toils and perils 
of oar unspotted struggle for independence, freedom, 
and equal rights, and, in the foundation of the Ameri- 
can era, of a new social order, which has already 
pervaded this, and must, for the dignity and happi- 
ness of mankind, successively pervade every part of 



370 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the Other hemisphere, to have receivea at every stage 
of the Revolution, and during forty years after that 
period, from the people of the United States, and 
their representatives at home and abroad, continual 
marks of their confidence and kindness, has been the 
pride, the encouragement, the support of a long and 
eventful life. 

*' But hov^r could I find vvrords to acknov^rledge that 
series of vi^elcomes, those unbounded and universal 
displays of public affection, which have marked each 
step, each hour of a tvv^elve months' progress through 
the tv^renty-four States, and which, while they over- 
whelm my heart with grateful delight, have most 
satisfactorily evinced the concurrence of the people 
in the kind testimonies, in the immense favors, be- 
stowed on me by the several branches of their rep- 
resentatives, in every part, and at the central seat 
of the confederacy? 

" Yet gratifications still higher await me, in the 
wonders of creation and improvement that have met 
my enchanted eye, in the unparalleled and self-felt 
happiness of the people ; in their rapid prosperity and 
insured security, public and private ; in a practice 
of good order, the appendage of true freedom and a 
national good sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties, 
I have had proudly to recognize a result of the re- 
publican principles for which we have fought, and 
a glorious demonstration to the most timid and pre- 
judiced minds, of the superiority over degrading aris- 
tocracy or despotism, of popular institutions founded 
on the plain rights of man, and where the local rights 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 371 

of every section are preserved under a constitutional 
bond of union. The cherishing of that union betvi^een 
the States, as it has been the farewell entreaty of 
our great paternal Washington, and will ever have 
the dying prayer of every patriot American, so it 
has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation 
of the world, an object in which I am happy to 
observe that the American people, while they give 
the animating example of successful free institutions 
in return for an evil entailed upon them by Europe, 
and of which a liberal and enlightened sense is every 
where more and more generally felt, show themselves 
every day more anxiously interested. 

" And now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep 
and lively feelings, for the assurances, most pecuharly 
valued, of your esteem and friendship, for your so 
very kind references to old times, to my beloved 
associates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your 
affecting picture of the blessings poured by the seve- 
ral generations of the American people, on the 
remaining days of a dehghted veteran, for your affec- 
tionate remarks on this sad hour of separation, on 
the country of my birth, full I can say of American 
sympathies, on the hope so necessary to me of my 
seeing again the country that has deigned, near a 
half a century ago, to call me hers ! I shall content 
myself, refraining from superfluous repetitions, at 
once, before you, sir, and this respected circle, to 
proclaim my cordial confirmation of every one of the 
sentiments which I have had daily opportunities pub- 
licly to utter, from the time when your venerable 



372 LIFE OF GENERAL 

predecessor, my old friend and brother in arms, trans- 
mitted to me the honorable invitation of Congress, to 
this day, when you, my dear sir, whose friendly con- 
nections with me date from your earliest youth, are 
going to consign me to the protection, across the 
Atlantic, of the heroic national flag, on board the 
splendid ship, the name* of which has been not the 
least flattering and kind among the numberless favors 
conferred upon me. 

*' God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God 
bless the American people, each of their states, and 
the federal government. Accept this patriotic fare- 
well of an overflowing heart ; such will be its last 
throb when it ceases to beat." 

On the same day Lafayette embarked at the head 
of the Potomac, on the frigate which had been set 
apart to convey him to France, and the following 
morning, the Brandywine weighed anchor and spread 
her sails to the breeze. Sadness fell upon the heart 
of Lafayette, as his eye caught the last glimpse of 
the receding shore, for he knew that he should never 
behold it again. His family met him at Havre, and 
his tenants flocked forth like children around a pa- 
rent, as he drew near La Grange. May he never 
leave us again, was the fervent wish breathed by the 
humblest attendant. Engaged in lighter employ- 
ments which his age demanded, surrounded by plea- 
sing associations, he hoped that his tempest-tossed 



• The Brandywine — alluding to the battle in which he was first 
wounded. An exceedingly fine comphnient. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 373 

bark might now glide peacefully and smoothly over 
the deep, into the eternal haven. Along his eventful 
career, he glanced without regret, and looked onward 
to death, desiring to go with a still and untroubled 
spirit. 

But the clouds which had been for generations ga- 
thering in the firmament, had not yet spent their 
fury upon his devoted land. The moanings of ano- 
ther tempest were heard. Charles X. was on the 
throne of France, and madly dashing on to despotism, 
while the volcanic elements were gathering strength, 
hourly, under his insane administration, Lafayette 
saw the coming crisis, and once more accepted a seat 
in the Chamber of Deputies. He hoped to guide, if 
he could not avert, the storm. For two or three 
years he labored incessantly, and with former acti- 
vity, to prevent the calamity, by inducing a different 
order of things in the government. Charles distrus- 
ted him with Bourbon prejudice ; the Ministry hated 
him ; and his endeavors were ineffectual to accom- 
phsh permanent change. The management of public 
aflairs grew constantly worse, and the people, driven 
at last to desperation, resolved again to take redress 
into their own hands. In 1830, this was done. In 
July of that year, was the Revolution of ^* the three 
days" accomplisned. Before the infatuated Monarch 
had dreamed of danger, the crown was rudely torn 
from his brow, and the scepter snatched from his 
hand for ever. The terrible lesson which had been 
taught in the fate of Louis XVI., Charles X. blindly 
refused to learn, until he was in the hopeless vortex. 



374 LIFE OF GENERAL 

His overthrow was rapid, but unmarked by the atro- 
cities of the previous Revolution, which filled the 
sluices of Paris with blood. Lafayette was called to 
the-<iommand of the National Guards, and the people 
clamored for a Republic; insisting that their tried friend 
should be their chief magistrate. With disinterested 
patriotism, which never shone more radiantly than 
on the present occasion, he felt that France was not 
ready for a Repubhcan form of government ; and that 
he had not, sufficiently, the confidence of all parties, 
to secure a harmonious result, should he assume the 
reigns of sovereignty. This was therefore declined, 
and his own choice fell upon Louis Philippe, Duke of 
Orleans, whose entire course of life had so far exhi- 
bited a uniform and consistent attachment to free 
principles, fitted as a member of the royal family to 
reconcile in his person the conflicting interests of the 
nation. " I know only one man," said Lafayette to 
him, " who can bring France to a Republic, and you 
are that man." 

Owing very much to Lafayette's influence, opposed 
by his friends, Louis Philippe was duly chosen Lieu- 
tenant General of the nation, which title was subse- 
quently changed to '' Citizen King of the French. ' 
In this appointment we admire the self-sacrificing 
spirit of Lafayette, but we cannot affirm what subse- 
quent events have fully denied, — the wisdom of the 
choice. During his life he maintained an outward 
show of respect for his King, who, soon after his ele- 
vation, gave unmistakable signs that his footsteps also 
were in the beaten path of absolutism and tyranny. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 375 

His fate has been an additional warning to despots, 
and adds another page to those annals from which 
the kings of the earth should learn wisdom. 

We must now come to the close of the earthly 
existence of him whose character and career we have 
endeavored, in the preceding pages, to portray 
Though blessed with a constitution which had sus- 
tained burdens insupportable to ordinary frames, he 
had to yield to accumulated disease and old age. An 
attack of ischury, to which he was predisposed, met 
him on the 2d of February, 1834, and soon gave 
warning of fatality. He gradually sunk, and neither 
the skill of physicians, the assiduities of friends, nor 
the sympathies of nations, could stay the Destroyer. 
"On the 20th of May," says one of his attending 
physicians, ''about one o'clock in the morning, the 
gravity of the symptoms increased. Respiration, 
which, for the last eight and forty hours had been 
much impeded, became still more difficult, and the 
danger of suffocation was more imminent. Drowsi- 
ness, delirium, and prostration of strength, became 
more decidedly pronounced, and at twenty minutes 
past four o'clock in the morning, Lafayette expired 
in our arms. 

" A few moments before he breathed his last, La- 
fayette opened his eyes, and fixed them with a look 
of affection on his children, who surrounded his bed, 
as if to bless them, and bid them an eternal adieu. 
He pressed my hand convulsively, experienced a slight 
degree of contraction in the forehead and eyebrows, 
and drew in a deep and lengthened breath, which 



870 LIFE OF GENERAL 

was immediately followed by a last sigh. His pulse, 
which had not lost its force, suddenly ceased to beat. 
A murmuring noise was still heard about the region 
of the heart. To produce re-animation, we employed 
stimulating frictions, but in vain ; the General had 
ceased to exist. His countenance resumed a calm ex- 
pression — that of peaceful slumber." 

Thus died Lafayette, in the seventy-seventh year 
of his age. We would that we might catch, in these 
closing scenes, the evidences of a Christian faith, but 
this we are unhappily denied. The cheering hopes 
of Heaven were not present to gild his pathway to 
the sepulchure. Lafayette needed these, without which 
all other virtues are dim and powerless in such an 
hour. If to the noble qualities which he possessed, 
*' had been added," as another has remarked, '* the 
pure faith and sublime hopes of the Gospel, nothing 
would have been wanting to complete the portraiture 
of a perfect man.^^ 

A universal sadness spread over France, and many 
parts of Europe, at his death. As the tidings were 
borne across the Atlantic, sorrow, like the shadow of 
a total eclipse, swept over the Union ; the penumbra 
of that which followed the decease of George Wash- 
ington. 

A Kingdom and a RepubHc joined in a funeral wail 
for " the MAN OF two worlds," emphatically, be- 
cause he had drawn the hemispheres together in the 
growing brotherhood of our common humanity 

Such as we have described him, was Lafayette. 
The events which were crowded into his long hfe, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 377 

illustrate his character better than a critical analysis 
could give its strong and beautiful elements. The 
two revolutions through which he passed, remind us 
of the course of some great rivers, which, quietly- 
emerging from their own solitude among the high- 
lands, flow on to a battlement of tocks, where in a 
foaming concentration of power, is revealed the mani- 
fold hues and sublime law of their onward current. 
Lafayette came to our shores from his early home of 
luxury, and entered the vortex of revolution. Doubt- 
less there was something of youthful romance in the 
bold adventure. But when the purity and grandeur 
of his purpose, whose guiding law was affection for 
Freedom, was revealed in his marvelous success, 
Washington heard the echo of his own mighty spirit, 
and the people hailed the Marquis, as worthy to be 
folded in the same mantle with the man who stood 
in isolated dignity upon a continent — with the nations 
at his feet in their involuntary homage. Retiring to 
La Grange, the heroic nobleman was, for a brief pe- 
riod, behind the scenes again. But at the frantic cry 
of his country he appears amid the fearful meeting of 
awakened millions in civil war. The same brisfht 
and majestic march of being under the inner force 
of patriotic fervor, was disclosed, and won the admi- 
ration of all. We do not recollect another instance 
of a " Protector," ungoverned by fixed religious 
principles, whose character is so unsullied, and whose 
name binds perpetually together, in historical annals, 
two centuries and two worlds ! 



